Colonial Williamsburg Digital Library

Attached is a report on "Marot's" or "The English Coffee House" (Block 9, Colonial Lot #25 and part of Lot #26), prepared by Mary Goodwin.

Photostat Copy of the Williamsburg Plat in "Williamsburg, the Old Colonial Capitol" by Lyon G. Tyler

"MAROT'S" or "THE ENGLISH COFFEE HOUSE"
Block 9, Colonial Lot #25 and part of Lot #26

A SUMMARY OF REPORT,

INDEX
REFERENCES TO HOUSE, OUTBUILDINGS, YARDS & GARDENS:

HOUSE:

Apartments (or Tenements) in,

xxxvii, 24, 26, 27, 29.

Balcony (old),

39.

Bar,

19, 20.

Billiard Room,

xi, 12.

Billiard Table,

23, 25;

in cellar,

20.

Cellars,

8, 19, 20, 21, 32, 39, 40, 45, 46.

Chamber,

19, 20, 32.

Chamber & Kitchen,

19, 20. See also Kitchens under Outbuildings.

Chimneys,

xi, 12, 45, 46.

Closets,

vii, 19, 20, 45, 46.

"Cuddy,"

vii.

Doors,

32, 52.

East End,

31-32, 33, 40.

Fires

(1754),

xxxvii, 30-33;

(1858),

50-51, 52.

Garden Room,

19, 20.

Grates,

45, 47.

Hall,

19. See also Passages

Lower Room,

19, 20.

Parlour,

19.

Passages,

40, 45, 46, 47.

Plastering,

45, 46, 47.

Repairs,

9, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 33, 35, 39, 40, 45-47.

Rooms,

vii, viii, xi, 12, 19, 20, 21, 26, 27, 29, 32, 39, 40, 45-46.

downstairs,

39, 40.

upstairs,

19, 20, 27, 39, 40.

Ruined part of house,

35.

Shed,

xi, 12, 19, 20, 39.

Shutters,

52.

Size of house,

3, 5, 9-10, 11, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 39, 40, 52.

Steps, stone,

52.

Windows,

vii, 32, 52.

dormer,

52.

Whitewashing,

45, 46, 47

West End,

39.

OUTBUILDINGS:

Blacksmith's shop,

39.

Kitchens,

xi, 12, 19, 20, 39, 40.

Milk House,

xi, 12.

Outhouses,

12, 22, 36, 39, 40, 46.

Shops,

39, 40, 46.

Stables,

4, 15, 24, 39.

YARDS & GARDENS:

Fences,

xxxvii, 13, 33, 35.

Garden,

33, 39, 40.

Pales,

See Fences

Paving stones,

xii, 12.

Space between building to east,

31-32.

Well,

31, 40, 46.

Yard,

40.

JOHN MAROT'S OWNERSHIP

On January 24, 1708, Shields sold lot #25, adjoining Byrd's lot to the east, "with all Houses" to John Marot for 50 pounds:

THIS INDENTURE³ made the Twenty fourth day of January... 1707[/08] BETWEEN James Sheils of the County of James City Taylor & Hannah his wife of the one part And John Marott of the County of York of the other part WITNESSETH that the said James Sheils & Hanah his wife for & in Consideration of the Sum of fifty pounds Sterg, unto them or one of them in hand paid by the Said John Marott before the Ensealing & Delivery of these presents the Receipt whereof they do hereby Acknowledge ... HAVE Granted Bargained Sold ... unto the Said John Marott ... ALL that Lott of Ground lying & being in the City of Williamsburgh on the South Side of Duke of Gloucester Street designed in the plott of the Said City by the figure (25) which-Said Lott Lyes Contiguous to the Lott formerly Sold by the Said James Shels [sic] to William Byrd Esq.. together with all Houses Edifices, buildings Yards... TO HAVE AND TO HOLD the Said Lott Houses & all & singular other premises herein before mentioned...
IN WITNESS whereof the Said James Sheil, & Hanah his wife have hereunto Sett their hands & Seales the, day & year first above written.
The mark of
James J S Sheils [seal]
Hannah Sheils [seal]
At a Court held for York
County the 24th day of
January 1707 [/08].

From the prices paid Shields by Byrd and Marot for their respective half-acre: lots, it is obvious that the buildings on Byrd's lot must have been considerably more substantial than those on Marot's.

Marot purchased a piece of land forty feet square out lot #26, adjoining him to the east, from William Robertson¹ for five pounds on May 24, 1708:

...one certain piece of land...on the South side of the Duke of Gloucester Street, containing forty foot square, being part of that lot of ground...described...by the figures 26 and bounded on the North by the said [Duke of Gloucester] street, on the West by the lot of ground belonging to the said Marott, and on the South and East by the said William Robertson's lots.²

It is probable that Marot enlarged his house on lot #25 soon after buying this property - it is certain that he had a large house at the time of his death.³

Marot was living in Williamsburg in 1705,⁴ although we do not know where he lived at that time. There is no record of his purchasing property in the city until he bought lot #25 from Shields in 1708. However, on May 24, 1707, on the same day on which William Byrd II purchased lot #24 from Shields, Marot petitioned the York County Court for a license to keep 4. an ordinary "at his now dwelling house in ye Citty of Williamsburgh in this [York] County."¹ It is possible that Marot may have leased the property which he purchased from Shields in January, 1708, prior to his purchase of it. Or he may have leased Byrd's property, lot #24, while making arrangements to purchase the adjoining property. He must have become well acquainted with Byrd - having been employed at "Westover" by his father. At any rate, Marot was granted a license to keep an ordinary in Williamsburg some months before he became the owner of lot #25.

On January 24, 1708, the same day on which his purchase of lot #25 was recorded, Marot was granted permission to renew his ordinary license for the ensuing year and his bond was recorded as follows:²

KNOW all men by these presents that wee John Marott Joseph Chermeson & Richard Wharton all of the County of York are held and firmly bound...in the Sum of Ten Thousand pounds of Tobacco Convenient in the Said County of York...the Twenty fourth day of January 1707[08]...
THE CONDITION of this obligation is Such That Whereas the above bounden John Marot hath renewed his Lycense to keep an Ordinary at Williamsburgh for the Ensueing Year If therefore the said John Marot doth Constantly find & provide in his Said Ordinary Good wholesome & Cleanly Lodging & Dyet for Travellers & fodder Stablage & Provender or Pasturage as the Season shall require for their horses...and Shall not Suffer or permitt any Unlawfull Gaming in his house nor on the Sabbath day Suffer any person to Tiple or Drink more than is Necessary than [sic] this obligation to be Null void and of none Effect...
Jean Marot [seal]
Joseph Chermeson [seal]
R. Wharton [seal]
York County...
January Court 1707[/08]

Marot renewed this license each year until his death in 1717, his "securities" - or those who signed his bond with him - changing from time to time. In 1709, they were again Joseph Chermeson and Richard Wharton. After that they were: 5.

1710 -	Francis Sharpe and Joseph Chermeson
1711 -	Not noted - probably the same as above
1712 -	Francis Sharpe and James Morris
1713 -	Nathaniel Crawly and David Stoner
1714 -	Edward Powers and George Gilbert
1715 -	Henry Hayward and John Doswell, Jr.
1716 -	Ambrose Cobbs and Nathaniel Crawly
1717 -	Ambrose Cobbs and James Hubard

¹

It is certain that Marot was established on lot #25 in 1708, if not before; and that he continued on the property until his death in 1717. The property was operated as an ordinary, or as a place of public entertainment by Marot or by his heirs until about the middle of the eighteenth century. There is every indication that Marot's ordinary was a well-furnished, well-run, and well-frequented establishment. As will be seen from records cited in this report, his furnishings were ample for a large building; his wine cellar was adequate for a variety of tastes; and the Council and Burgesses dined with him in a body on occasion.²

In February 1708, Marot was appointed Constable of the City of Williamsburg, which position he held until 1710, when he asked to be discharged from the office.³ He had difficulty with the law himself from time to time: In 1710 he was fined for contempt of court because he failed to answer a warrant served by the then "Legall Constable of the City of Williamsburgh."⁴ He was twice summoned into court for selling liquors at higher than the legal rate: once 6. on June 24, 1710, and again on January 20, 1713 - but in both instances, on admitting fault and agreeing to submit to the Court's judgment and to pay costs, he was excused.¹

As a matter of interest at this point, it should be noted that ordinary rates were set by the county courts and that an ordinary keeper had to obtain from the clerk of his county "a fair table of the rates and prices set by the court; which being so obtained, shall be openly set up in the common entertaining room of the said ordinary, and there continually kept during the whole year, and until the rates shall be again set by the court: And every ordinary-keeper failing herein, shall forfeit and pay two thousand pounds of tobacco..."²

The following rates obtained in York County in 1710, and were continued with one or two additions for the next ten years or so:

At a Court held for York County the 24th day of March 1709[/10]³

This Court do Sett & Rate for
Each Dyet	[£] 0: 1: -
Lodging for Each person	0: -: 7½
Stable Room & ffodder Sufficient for Each Horse per Night	0: -: 7½
Stable Room & ffodder Sufficient for Each Horse 24 Hour's	0: -:11½
Each Gallon of Corn	0: -: 7½
Wine of Virginia Produce per Quart	0: 5: -
Canary & Sherry per Quart	0: 4: 4½
4 Red & White Lisbon per Quart	0: 3: 1½
Western Island Wines per Quart	0: 1:10½
French Brandy per Quart	0: 4: -
French Brandy Punch or French Brandy Flip per Quart	0: 1: 3
Rum & Virginia Brandy per Quart	0: 2: -
Rum Punch & Rum fflip per Quart	0: -: 7½
Virginia Beer & Cyder per Quart	-: -: 3-¾
Pensilvania Beer per Quart	-: -: 6
English Beer per Quart	-: 1: -

In 1711 "Roger's best Virga aile" was entered on the list of rates at sixpence per quart and the "Virginia Beer" noted on preceding page was listed as "Virginia Midling Bear." These rates were continued by the York County Court until 1717, when "White Apple Syder" was added at sixpence a quart.¹

In his Diary² for 1709-1712, William Byrd II of "Westover" made the following entries concerning his visits to "Marot's" when in Williamsburg:

[p. 252,	November 1, 1710] "...About 8 o'clock I went to see Mr. Hamilton at Marot's and went with him to the Governor's [Alexander Spotswood's] where we ate bread and butter and drank tea. About 9 o'clock I came to court..."
[p. 260,	November 20, 1710] "... I ate some toast and cider with Colonel Carter at Marot's. ... Then [in the evening] I went to the coffeehouse and played at cards till 12 o'clock..."
[p. 263,	November 26, 1710] "... I wrote several things till about two o'clock and then went to Marot's to dinner with the burgesses. I ate roast goose for dinner. In the afternoon we sat and drank a bottle of cider till about 5 o'clock and then adjourned to the coffeehouse..."
[p. 335,	April 25, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to Council... About noon we went to court and sat till about 4 o'clock and then the governors of the College met... Colonel Smith and I dined at Marot's and I ate roast beef. I went about 11 o'clock home..."
[p. 428,	October 26, 1711] "...we sat [in court] till about 5 o' clock... Several of us went to dine at Marot's, where I ate a good fricassee of chicken, and drank Virginia wine that was [tolerable] When dinner was over we went to the coffeehouse and played at cards..."
[p. 429,	October 30, 1711 "... Afterwards we went to the coffeehouse where I played at picquet... In the evening Colonel Smith and Colonel Carter were at Marot's and somebody east a brick from the street into the room which narrowly missed Colonel Carter. I went home about 10 o'clock..."
[p. 434,	November 7, 1711] "... About 5 o'clock Mr. Clayton came to me [at the Capitol] and told me my wife and the other gentlewomen were returned from Gloucester and were at my lodgings. I went to them and gave them some victuals and a bottle of wine from Marot's. My sister Custis and Mrs. Dunn went to Queen's Creek and my wife went to bed and I went to the coffeehouse..."
8.
[p. 434,	November 8, 1711] "... About 2 o'clock I dined with the Council at Marot's and ate mutton for dinner..."
[p. 435,	November 9, 1711] "... I went to prayers with the Burgesses and then we met as upper House... About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I ate roast veal for dinner. In the afternoon we went to the coffeehouse..."
[p. 438,	November 15, 1711] "... Then I went into council where our address to the Governor was read... About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I won 5 shillings. I went home about 9 o'clock..."
[p. 438,	November 16, 1711] "... About 11 the Governor came and the President read our address to him with an indifferent grace. About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I ate some fish for dinner..."
[p. 449,	November 23, 1711] "...we went to the capitol and read the bill concerning ports the first time. We stayed till 3 o'clock and then went to dinner at Marot's but could get none there and therefore Colonel Lewis and I dined with Colonel Duke..."

It will be noted that Marot served such delicacies as roast goose, roast beef, fricassee of chicken, mutton, fish, and roast veal.¹ Marot's well-stocked wine cellar was described in the inventory of his personal estate made shortly after his death, listing 1 pipe and 3 dozen and 10 bottles of "Sower Wine," 52 gallons and 61 dozen bottles of Madeira Wine, 22 bottles of Canary, 3 hogsheads of "Cyder," 25 gallons of French Brandy, Anniseed water, and numerous dozens of bottles of Red Port, Rennish Wine, White Lisbon, Brandy, and Bristol and English beer.² He also kept a supply of clay pipes on hand, for his inventory included "A Basket of Pipes" and "3 Gross Pipes."

On October 13, 1711, John Marot presented a claim to the "Court for proof of Publick Claims held for York County" for "accommodateing Sevl french Prisoners...by the Govrs [Spotswood's] direction," in the amount of £3:1:3. The claim was approved and referred to the General Assembly for payment.³

On March 17, 1712, Marot was granted two judgments against the estate of the Rev. Solomon Wheatly.¹ One,in the amount of £16:19:3, was due for a bill of exchange "drawn by the deced in his life the & protested Since his death." The other, in the amount of £5:10:0, was "due for funerall Expences"² - the nature of which expenses were not specified, but which may have been for wines and food provided. Wheatly's funeral was on November 19, 1710, for on that date William Byrd II noted in his diary: "... In the afternoon we walked to church again to hear Mr. Blair preach Mr. Whately's funeral sermon, which he performed very well. After this ceremony was over we walked to the coffeehouse, where we stayed the rest of the evening."³

At some time prior to a suit brought against John Marot in 1714, by Richard King for £46:7:6 (the amount King claimed was due him for carpenter's work done at Marot's house), considerable repairs or additions must have been made to the property. On May 17 and June 21, 1714, the following decisions by the York County justices were recorded:⁴

At a Court held for York County May the 17th 1714.

In the accon upon the Case between Richd King pit & John Marot deft for [£] 46:7:6 due by accot for Carpenters Work wch the deft objected agst & pleaded a discount of 28:18:2 by the Consent of both partys John Blair Henry Cary Junr & Thomas Ravenscroft are appointed to meet Sometime between this & the next Court at the defts house & View & Value the work performed by the pit & Settle & Adjust all accounts in difference & make report of their proceedings to the next Court until]. when the Suit is Continued.

At a Court held for York County June the 21st 1714

In the action upon the Case between Richd King plt & John Marot deft for forty Six pounds Seven Shillings & Sixpence due by accot the Auditors report in this Suit on the pits mocon is admitted to record & it appearing thereby that the ballance of Eleven Shillings & twopence farthing is due to the pit Judgemt is granted him for the sd Sum & it is ordered that the deft pay the Same with Costs...

Jean Marot died in November 1717, and Francis Sharpe¹- was accused of his murder. "At a Court held for York County November the 18111, 1717," "just cause" was found for trying Sharpe for the murder:

Whereas Francis Sharpe was by warrant of Wm Timson Gent one of the Justices of this Court comitted to the County Goal on Suspition of his haveing murdered John Marott & being now brought before his Majesty's Justices here present & together with Severall witnesses being diligently Examined touching the said fact, It appearing to the Court that there is just cause for trying the said prisoner at the Court of Oyer & Terminer for the murder whereof he is accused. It is therefore ordered that the said ffrancis Sharpe be remanded to the prison of the County...& from thence to be conveyed to the publick Goal at Wmsburgh as the law in such cases directs.²

Unfortunately, the records for the Court of Oyer & Terminer are not extant, and we have been unable to find further details concerning Marot's "murder" or the reasons for suspecting Sharpe. Sharpe must have been exonerated, however, for he was allowed to have an ordinary in Williamsburg it 1718.

Jean Marot was survived by his wife, Anne, and three minor daughters: 11. Edith, Anne, and Rachel. By his will,¹ dated August 31, 1717, he left his "dear & loving wife Anne" one third of all his "Lotts of Land,² houses & Appurtenances to ye same belonging Scituate & being in ye Parish of Bruton...for & during Ye term of her naturall life" to be equally divided between his three daughters after her death. He left his daughters two-thirds of his estate, to be equally divided between them, but directed that his wife "have & Enjoy all ye Lotts & houses untill Such time as my sd daughters shall Severally attain to ye age of Twenty One Years or be marryed." However, if his wife should "happen to Marry" he ordered that "She have & Enjoy only one-third part" of his "sd Lotts & houses as before given & bequeathed to her." He appointed his wife his sole executrix.

An inventory³ of Marot's personal property, made at his house on January 29, 1715, listed furnishings for a large establishment: 24 beds with "furniture"; 19 tables; more than 50 chairs (19 of them leather and 13 cane); 1 dozen "new Cane Stools"; several desks; looking glasses, pictures; 10 chests 12. or chests-of drawers; 5 sets of andirons, fire shovels, etc.; "53 pillobers" or pillowcases; sheets valued at £25:6:9; tablecloths and napkins valued at £37:3:6; towels; 8 pair of "Winder Curtains"; 3 dozen drinking glasses; china cups; earthenware; "1 doz. Small patty pans"; chafing dish; turn dish and turn plate; 3 dozen pewter plates and 100 pounds of old and 192 pounds of new pewter; 2 dozen knives and forks and also some "old knives and forks"; 286 ounces of "plate"; some paving stones, etc. As has been noted, he had a substantial supply of wines, brandy, cider, and beer; and also casks of molasses, runlets of honey; a pair of tarriers and a bottle crane; pickles, oil; etc. Marot owned a coach (valued at £14), coach harness and 2 coach horses; a cart and 4 cart horses; and several other horses, including "Mrs. Marrotts Riding horse" and saddles. He also had 8 servants and slaves and 4 of their children.

The inventory did not list Marot's furniture room by room; but the 24 beds, 8 pair of window curtains, and equipment for 5 fireplaces would offer some information as to the building. It did mention such features as "the Billiard Room"; "the Milk house"; "The Iron-work in the Kitchen Chimney" valued at £3; and the "Kitchen Shed."

ANNE MAROT SULLIVANT'S ORDINARY

A very short time after John Marot's death, his widow married Timothy Sullivant.¹ On March 17, 1718, "Timothy Sullivant & Ann his wife late Ann Marot," with John Bates, Edward Rippon, David Cunningham, and Thomas 13. Ravenscroft, securities, presented bond in York County Court for "the sd Anns just & faithfull" administration of Marot's estate. The bond was ordered to lie in Court until additional security could be found.¹

On the same day, March 17, 1718, Timothy Sullivant applied for and obtained a license to keep ordinary "at his dwelling house in Willsburgh," with Henry Gill and David Cunningham as securities.² "Sullivants pales to his corner post on the Main Street" were mentioned on November 10, 1718, in a deed to adjoining land to the east, sold by William Robertson to John Brown.³

Sullivant apparently turned over the business of tavern--keeping to his wife after a short time; for in 1721, Anne Sullivant applied for and had "order granted her for a Lycence to keep an Ordinary at her dwelling house in Wmsburgh."⁴ In 1723, in another deed William Robertson referred to his property (lots 26 and 27) as being bounded "on the West by the lots late of said John Marot and now in the tenure and occupation of Anne Sullivan."⁵

In 1723, Anne Sullivant again had "order granted her for a Lycence to keep an Ordinary in Wmsburgh...until the 22d of September next," with John Holloway as her security.⁶ On September 21, 1724, she obtained a renewal of her license with William Robertson as her security.⁷

We have found little information as to Anne Sullivant's ordinary. After 1724, no further ordinary licenses were recorded in York County in her name.¹ However, she continued to operate her ordinary for a number of years.

Timothy Sullivant died ca. 1730, leaving a very small personal estate.² In 1737, "Thomas Goodwin, Chymist" advertised the following goods for sale at Mrs. Sullivant's:

Just Imported from London,
A Parcel of choice Medicines, which are to be sold at reasonable Rates, by Wholesale or Retail, at Mrs. Sullivane's in Williamsburg ...³

In May, 1737, a negro man slave belonging to Anne Sullivant was tried for "breaking open a Cellar window to the Store of Alexanr Kerr" (who then occupied property to the east of Mrs. Sullivant) and stealing some rum. He was acquitted.⁴

Mrs. Sullivant "left off Publick Business, and retir'd to the Country" sometime prior to August 25, 1735.5 She went to Amelia County, where her son-in-law and daughter, Samuel and Edith (Marot) Cobbs,lived; and she died 15. there ca. November, 1742.¹

JOHN TAYLOR'S ORDINARY

On August 25, 1738, John Taylor published the following notice in the Virginia Gazette:

Mrs. Sullivane, of Williamsburg, having left off Publick Business, and retir'd to the Gauntry, the Subscriber hath taken the same. House, and now carries on Publick Business, where Gentlemen may depend on kind Treatment, and good Accommodations for themselves, and extraordinary Pasturage and Stabling for their, Horses, from their very humble Servant,
JOHN TAYLOR.²

We have no further information concerning John Taylor's "Publick Business," as he did not advertise again in any of the Gazettes now available. In 1745, John Brodie offered for sale "a Parcel of Negroes, being about 16 Men, Women, and Children" at "Mr. John Taylor's House in Williamsburg";³ and in 1745 and 1746 horses strayed or were stolen from "Mr. John Taylor's, in Williamsburg."⁴ However, Taylor must have been located on some other site at this time, for James Shields and his wife, Anne Marot Ingles Shields (John Marot's daughter) were occupying the property by May, 1745.⁵

JAMES AND ANNE INGLES SHIELDS' ORDINARY

After Anne Marot Sullivant's death (1742) it is probable that her 16. third of John Marot's estate¹ was divided between their three daughters: Edith Cobbs (wife of Samuel Cobbs); Anne Ingles Shields (wife of James Shields); and Rachel Booker (wife of Richard Booker).² However, details concerning the settlement of the estate were not recorded in York County. They may have been entered in the General Court Records which, unfortunately, have been destroyed. Subsequent transactions between the heirs were recorded in York County; and the following deeds between the Cobbs and Shields concerning John Marot's lots #56, and #25 and part of #26 state that James Shields, ordinary keeper, was occupying the latter property in May, 1745:

THIS INDENTURE made the fourth day of May...[1745] Between Samuel Cobbs of the county of Amelia Gentleman and Edith his wife of the one part and James Shields of the City of Wmsburg Ordinary Keeper of the other part Witnesseth that the said Saml Cobbs and Edith his wife for & in Consideration of the Sum of five Shillings Court mony of Virginia to them in hand [paid] by the said James Shields the receipt whereof they do hereby confess & acknowledge and for divers other good Causes & Considerations them thereunto moving have granted bargain'd 17. & Sold...and by these presents do fully freely & absolutely grant bargain & Sell...unto the said James Shields for his actual possession now being and to his Heirs & Assigns for-ever all those Several Lotts or parcels of Ground with the Rights Members & Appurtt thereof Situate lying & being in the aforesd City of Wmsburgh on the South side of Duke of Gloucester Street whereon the said James Shields now lives and also all that part of a Lott of Ground (now also in the possession of the said James Shields) Situate lying & being in the said City... distinguished in the plan of the said. City by the figures 56 Containing by Estimation Thirty feet in breadth...opposite to the above mention'd Lotts whereon the said James Shields lives All wch said Lotts and parcels of Ground did formerly belong to one John Marott And all Houses Edifices Buildings Gardens Orchards Trees...
At a Court held for York County May 20th 1745 This deed was this day brot into Court and proved to be executed by the within named Samuel Cobbs...and it was acknowledged by Edith the wife of the said Samuel She being first privately examin'd and upon the prayer of James Shields it was ordered to be recorded.¹

James Shields,² ordinary keeper, continued on lot #25 and part of #26 until his death ca. December, 1750. The place may have been known as the "English Coffee House" during Shields' ownership. As has been noted, in September, 1751, the property was described as "a large house near the Capitol," then vacant, "known by the name of the English Coffee House."³ However, 18. we have found no advertisements concerning the place in the Gazettes; nor have we found record of Shields' ordinary licenses. They were doubtless entered in the Hustings Court Records, which have been destroyed. (See p. 14, footnote 1.) On May 13, 1749, a deed to property immediately to the east of Shields (from the executors of John Stott to Lewis Burwell) gave James Shields as one boundary; and on January 21, 1751, when Lewis Burwell sold the house and lot to the east to Nathaniel Walthoe, the property of "James Shields, deceased" was again mentioned as a boundary.¹

James Shields died prior to December 17, 1750; for on that date his will (written December 19, 1747) was recorded in the York County Court. He left his daughters by his first wife, Elizabeth and Hannah, his plantation at Skimino in York County and £50 each "provided the Seat of Government should not be removed from Williamsburg in ten years from this present time."² He left money to Anne and Christiana, daughters by his second wife, and three slaves to his "daughter-in-law" [stepdaughter] Judith Bray Ingles. The rest of his estate, both real and personal, he left to his "beloved wife 19. Anne" for her free use and occupation during her "Natural Life or Widowhood." At her death, or if she should remarry, the property was to go to their son, James Shields, including a "Plantation on Mill Swamp and also all my Houses and Lands in the City of Williamsburgh...the residue of my Slaves also all my Plate, Houshold furniture and all other my Personal Estate not already disposed of..."¹ He made his wife Anne his sole executrix without security.

The inventory of James Shields' estate, made January 21, 1750/51, noted furniture in the Parlour, Hall, Upstairs, Lower Room, Upstairs, Shed Barr, Garden Room, Chamber and Kitchen, Upstairs, Closet, Cellar, and "At the Quarters," in the order given. As the furniture listed was by rooms, the inventory is copied here instead of in the Appendix:

AN INVENTORY of the Estate of James Shields deceased. [January 21, 1750/51]

IN THE PARLOUR

2 Oval Tables 1 Square Do -8 Leather Chairs 1 Chest of Draws

1 Looking Glass 1 Corner Cupboard & 5 old Pictures

IN THE HALL

2 Looking Glasses 20 Pictures 1 Corner Cupboard 4 China Chocolate Cups 6 earthen Tea Cups 1 Glass Bowl 3 China Do 1 Pottle Decanter

1 Desk and Book Case 15 Leather Chairs 3 Oval Tables 2 Square Do

2 Backgammon Tables 1 Tea Chest 1 Dozen Silver handle Knives &c

9 Silver Table Spoons & Case 11 Silver handle Knives & 12 forks

1 Case for Do 1 dozen Ivory handle Knives & 32 dozen China Plates

1 Basket for Do 2 French Servers 1 Clock 3 Pint Silver Cans

1 Pottle Silver Tankard 4 Silver Salts 2 Silver Butter Boats 1 Silver Soop Spoon 1 Silver Punch Ladle 1 French Sugar Castor 4 Brass Candle sticks 3 Waiters 2 Chaffing Dishes 1 Pottle Stone Mugg

28 Wine Glasses 1 Plate Basket 22 Books 8 pair Scissors 1 Load Stone

1 Flesh Brush 1 pair Money Scales &c 1 pair Dogs 1 pair Tongs and Shovel

UPSTAIRS

1 Plate Warmer 1 Pewter Cistern 1 Case of Surveyors Instruments 1 Mans Saddle &c 1 Iron Mill A parcel old Iron

14 New leather Chairs 4 Sickles 2 Setts Chair Harness 1 Bucket 1 Cloaths Brush

20.

IN THE LOWER ROOM

1 Looking Glass 2 Beds and furniture

2 Pictures 2 small Tables 5 Chairs

1 old Iron Dog and 2 Stone Chamber Pots

UPSTAIRS

1 Looking Glass 2 Beds and furniture

2 Chamber Pots 1 small Table 1 Cane Chair

IN THE SHED

1 Chest 6 Brass Candlesticks 3 Iron Do

1 pair Stilyards 2 pr flatt Irons 1 pair Iron Dogs

1 Corner Cupboard 12 China Saucers 6 Cups & 9 Books

IN THE BARR

4 Empty Carboys 1 Case and Bottles 1 Square Table

1 old Fiddle 1 old Hautboy 1 Tin funnel 1 old Gun Lock 1 old Quart Pot

1 Copper Cann 2 large Butter pots 1 Bird Cage 1 pair large Money Scales

IN THE GARDEN ROOM

1 large Looking Glass 2 old Pictures 8 Rush Chairs 1 large Table

2 Beds and furniture 3 pair Window Curtains 1 pair Iron Dogs

IN THE CHAMBER & KITCHEN

2 Beds and furniture 2 Tables 1 Brass Candlestick 1 old Trunk

1 pair Dogs 2 Quart Decanters 7 pair Snuffers 5 Glass Salts 1 Wine Glass

1 pair old Money Scales 1 pair large brass Scales One Chafing Dish 4 Chairs

3 Earthen Bowles 2 Coffee Pots 1 Chocolate Pot 1 Pewter Bason 1 Turene

1 Tin dish Cover 24 Pewter Dishes 1 dozen Deep Plates 4½ dozen flatt Do

3 Earthen Dishes 1 Tea Kettle 1 Trivet 2 Box Irons &c 1 Grater

1 Silver Punch Strainer 1 Silver Punch Spoon 2 Sugar Boxes 1 Tea Board

a Parcel China 5 Silver tea Spoons

1 Marble Morter &c 1 Bell Metal Morter & Dutch Oven

2 Dozen Candle Moulds 2 Stewpans and Stoppers 3 Iron Pots

1 Bell Metal Skillet 1 large Capper - 1 Brass Kettle

1 Jack 1 Coffee Mill 1 Silver Watch 2 Iron Spits 1 pair Dogs

4 Pails 4 Tubs 2 large Butter Pots 2 frying Pans 1 fish Kettle

3 Potracks 1 Grid Iron I Dripping Pan 2 old Pewter Dishes

7 old Ivory handle Knives &c 1 Warming pan 2 old Square Tables

3 Butter pots

UPSTAIRS

6 Beds and furniture 1 Square Table 1 Looking Glass

1 Chair 2 Rush Chairs 1 Elbow Chair 2 Trunks and 1 Screen

IN THE CLOSET

1 old Cupboard 1 large Jugg 1 pair Lime Squeezers

1 pint 1 ½-pint and 1 Gill Pot

1 Gallon Pot 2 pair New Shoes 1 Chair 8 Potting Pots 1 Beer Cask 1 Brass Cock

IN THE CELLAR &C

41 Rennish 6 Brass Cocks 1 Powdering Tub 2 old Pewter Dishes

11 Table Cloths 32 Napkins 2 dozen Towels 11 pair Sheets 12 Pillowbeers

3 pr Window Curtains

4 Milk Pans

1 Billiard Table and Balls 1 New Cloth for Do

21.

IN THE CELLAR &c [cont.]

3 half pint Decanters& 1 pint Do

69 Wine Glasses 82 Jelly Do 6 Sweet Meat Do 29 Sullibub Do

17 Earthen. Dishes 3 China Do 3 China Butter Plates 22 Pye Moulds

1 Wood Tea Board 11 Quires Paper

Parcel old Brass 1 Box Pipes 6 Glass Servers

2 new Narrow Hoes I New Spade

10 Groce Quart Bottles 3 Jars 1 Waggon 1 Cart 2 Chairs 1 Wheel Barrow and 8 Horses

AT THE QUARTER

45 Head of old Cattle 13 Yearlings and 5 Calves 10 Head of Hogs

A Parcel of Carpenters tools

1 Bed & furniture 6 Dishes 1 Iron Pot

2 Mares and 2 Colts 1 Whip Saw 1 Cross cut Do 1 Gun 1 Wheat Sifter

5 Milk Pans 1 Grindstone a Parcel of Coopers Tools

1 Case & 11 Bottles for Do

25 Negroes

A Parcel of Corn Tobacco and Pease

ANN SHIELDS Exx
Returned into York County Court the 21st day of January 1750[/51] and ordered to be recorded.

¹

His widow carried on James Shields' business for a time after his death. On April 11, 1751, the following notice that tickets to a ball were to be had at her house appeared in the Gazette:

ON Tuesday the 23d Instant, at the Court House in Williamsburg, will be a Ball for the Entertainment of Gentlemen and Ladies. Tickets to be had of Mrs. Anne Shields, at her House in Williamsburg, at half a Pistole each.²

On April 17, 1751, the Rev. Robert Rose was in Williamsburg and noted in his diary:³

...dined at Shields with [or it his] two brethren and spent the Evening in a Mixt Compa at the Rawleigh Tavern.

On July 11, 1751, Mrs. Anne Ingles Shields married her third husband, 22. Henry Wetherburn, also a tavernkeeper of Williamsburg.¹ At this time Wetherburn owned and operated a tavern in the building now known as the "Bland-Wetherburn House," on the same block but several lots to the west of the Shields property. John Blair, a member of the Council, made the following entries in his diary concerning the marriage:

[July 1, 1751] Mrs Wethrburn died.
[July 3d] now buried in wett.
…
3. Very rainy while at Mrs. Wetherburn's funerl He has found her hoard they say. ...
[July 11] H. Wetherburn married to Mrs Shields.²

After his widow's remarriage, Shields' Williamsburg property, etc., reverted to their son, James, who was then eleven or twelve years old. As executrix, Mrs. Anne Shields Wetherburn and her husband administered the estate; and the month after their marriage Henry Wetherburn advertised Shields' tavern for rent:

August 8, 1751.
TO be Let, and Entered on immediately THE Tavern lately kept by Mr. James Shields in Williamsburg, with all convenient Out-houses. Enquire of Henry Wetherburn.³

DANIEL FISHER'S OCCUPANCY

In September, 1751, Wetherburn leased the property to Daniel Fisher,¹ a tea, coffee, and wine merchant who came to Virginia from London with his family, arriving in Yorktown in August 1750. Fisher, who had a very unsatisfactory time in Virginia, wrote a long account of his troubles from the time of his leaving London in May, 1750, until August,-1755. This journal has been printed.² Fisher stated that after he had been in Williamsburg less than a year "a large house near the Capitol became vacant known by the name of the English Coffee House," and he agreed with Mr. Wetherburn to lease the house for at least three years (with option to lease it further for six, seven, or more years) at forty pounds a year. According to Fisher, Wetherburn agreed to let him have the use of a billiard table on the property and to keep the house in good repair but did not live up to either agreement. Fisher moved to the house on September 29 and promptly opened tavern and advertised in the Gazette: 24.

October 3, 1751. …
TO the PUBLIC,
The Tavern lately kept by Mr. James Shields, near the Capitol, in Williamsburg, will be opened, by the Subscriber, on Monday next: Such Gentlemen who are pleased to favour me with their Company, shall be sure of the best Accommodation in my Power.
DANIEL FISHER.¹

Fisher had little success as a tavern-keeper, for he published the following notice in the Gazette in February, 1752:

Several Difficulties and Impediments in the Business I so lately undertook, subjecting me to the Necessity of giving it over; I thought it incumbent on me to give this Notice thereof.
I have divers Rooms or Apartments to let, also a large Stable with Stalls for about Twenty Horses. Daniel Fisher.²

He rented rooms or apartments in the house and also had a store there, selling coffee, tea, wines, etc. The Hallam Company of players (or at least Lewis Hallam) was staying there in August, 1752, according to the following advertisement:

WE are desired to inform the Publick, That as the Company of Comedians, lately from London, have obtain'd His Honour the Governor's Permission, and have, with great Expence, entirely altered the Play-House at Williamsburg to a regular Theatre, fit for the Reception of Ladies and Gentlemen... they intend to open on the first Friday in September next, with a Play, call'd The Merchant of Venice (written by Shakespear) and a Farce, call'd The Anatomist, or Sham Doctor. The Ladies are desired to give timely Notice to Mr. Hallam, at Mr. Fisher's, for their Places in the Boxes, and on the Day of Performance to send their Servants early to keep them...³

On December 1, 1752, Fisher advertised the following goods for sale:

To be Sold, la the Subscriber near the Capitol, in Williamsburg, for ready money only,
Fresh and strong Singlo (Green) Tea, at 10 s. per Pound, or 9 s. to such as take upwards of Twenty Pounds Weight, good West-Indian Coffee and fine Cake Chocolate (made from 25.Caracoa Nuts) at 2 s. per Pound, fresh and sound Ginger at 1 s. 6 d. per Pound, some Pots of Sweet-meats, from 12 to 16 s. a Pot, some Pots of Hogs Lard at 5 d. per Pound, Arrack at 20 s. per Gallon, fine Barbadoes Rum, Net as imported, and full Proof, at 5 s. per Gallon, Claret at 35 s. per Dozen, fine old Madeira and White Lisbon at 24 s. per Dozen: Single Bottles for Samples of the two last at 2 s. 6 d.
Daniel Fisher¹

Fisher still occupied the property in April, 1754, when a house two doors to the east belonging to Mr. Palmer² caught fire; and he wrote a detailed account of the conflagration. As the best source of information concerning his difficulties in Williamsburg is Fisher's own journal; a portion of his journal is copied here:³

...In less than a year after we came to Williamsburg, a large house near the Capitol became vacant known by the name of the English Coffee House, and that which we lived in lying much out of the way for any kind of business, we were advised to take this, tho' the rent was larger. I thereupon consulted my good friend Mr. Walthoe, who showed no aversion to the thing, but said if we came into the proposal, he would not only do us all the service in his power, but apply himself to Mr. Wetherburn (the Person who had the letting of it) in our behalf. At our request he did so and Mr. Wetherburn and I in his presence came to the following agreement.

I to take a Lease of the House for Three years, certain at the Rent of Forty pounds a year, for which Mr. Walthoe to become bound; He to put and keep the House in good repair, and in case it answered my purpose, and suited my farther inclination, I to have the liberty (upon the same terms) of taking a further Lease either of Three, Six or Seven years more, just at my option.

Mr. Wetherburn to induce me to come up to this Rent, assured me moreover I should have the use of a Billiard Table, the best he said in the Country; upon my promise only of leaving it in as good a Condition as I found it, which being but reasonable I readily complyed with. But notwithstanding this agreement to which Mr. Walthoe was the only witness, within 26. two days, one Coln. Bird [William Byrd, III, of "Westover"] happening to come to Town, he sold the Table to him for Thirty Five pounds. Mr. Walthoe, however, desired me to pass over this matter. I had been a month in the House when Mr. Wetherburn came with the Leases to be executed. He brought with him Mr. Walthoe as my security. One Mr. Swan who drew the Lease, and one Mr. Thomas Carter to be the Witnesses. The Lease at my request was read; whereupon I took notice that the article concerning Repairs, and that also for granting me a further Lease, was omitted. Mr. Wetherburn very readily acknowledged our agreement, and declared the omissions were not made by his direction. Mr. Swan took the fault entirely upon himself, said it was owing to in-apprehension or forgetfulness; observed. however, that what related to repairs was quite superfluous and unnecessary, as the Laws and Customs of the Country if not otherwise particularly stipulated, always obliged Landlords to keep Houses in proper Repair; Appealing to Mr. Walthoe for the truth of what he asserted: who said he believed what Mr. Swan had affirmed might be true. As to the further grant of a Lease, he said Mr. Wetherburn's worth and honor was so well known, that nobody who had any themselves would scruple taking his word for anything of much greater consequence; and hoped I would not give the trouble of drawing fresh Leases... But I still persisted in not subscribing without the last mentioned alteration at least; Mr. Swan expressed great amazement in this exclamation, What: do you distrust or do you doubt of Mr. Wetherburn's honor? adding that no person, right himself, could ever entertain any such jealousy or suspicion. And Mr. Walthoe, uneasy, I believe, to see me so reflected on, and conscious of his own sincerity and honour, with his accustomed candour and. calmness saying, I dare say Mr. Fisher you may rely safely on Mr. Wetherburn's word; and he desired all persons to bear witness. Mr. Wetherburn now making a formal and solemn declaration of both conditions to which I signed directly without any further hesitation.

Being soon tired of this Public Business [tavern-keeping] to which I had made great and many objections, I with my Good Friends consent, quitted it, and stuck to my dealing in Coffee, Tea, Chocolate, Arrack, Claret, Madeira and other Wines, English Beer, French Brandy, Rum, and several other articles, both from Europe, New York, Philadelphia, and the West Indies, proposing too as my house was large and in front particularly, to divide and let it out into several distinct Tenements. I entered on my House the 29th September 1751; and I made this alteration about the Christmas following; vizt. Four months after. I had not entered upon executing this last Resolution above a Fortnight or Three weeks before a strange Mortal stalked into my house, in the garb or habit of one of our Common Soldiers (a thing then rarely to be met with, tho' extremely it seems affected by this singular Person whom I had then not the least knowledge of) and demanded to see some of my rooms, which he was informed I proposed to let. He had no servant with him, but an arrogant, hauty carriage, which in the opinion of most men is a necessary or insepparable accomplishment in what they call a Person of Note, would at once indicate to you that in his own thoughts he was a Person of no mean Rank or Dignity. The pride of sometimes putting on mean clothes or going unattended, I had seen 27. before, but none to appear to me so ridicuously as now. However, I showed him my rooms, and treated him with the same deference and respect as even in his own sentiments he had a right to expect, supposing also I had known him. We had some talk about the price of several apartments, but he soon let me understand that his design was upon my whole House, he modestly proposing that I should resign the Lease I had taken of it to him, and take off from his hands another house in Town which he had hired, but did not like, tho' to evince his great kindness and condescension in the matter, he assured me the house, which he proposed to favor me with, was a much better one than mine, would come at less rent and would likewise suit my intended business better - and he named the house to me--vizt, that which Dr. Dixon lately quitted[¹] As to which house was the best, I assured him it was a matter that I would not presume to dispute; but humbly craved his leave to be of a different opinion as to the convincing of dividing it into various departments. Its vicinity also to the Capitol, as I likewise craved leave to inform him, gave it the preference in humble apprehension, as its situation for business, in which I said I chiefly depended; besides--as I ventured to observe, the roominess of mine when Mr. Wetherburn had repaired it would enable me to let out so much thereof as would absolutely pay the whole of my rent, reserving what would be quite sufficient to carry on my own business. To this he replied I was under a great mistake, and delusion if I preferred to think Mr. Wetherburn would ever repair the House while I continued in it, or would grant me any further Lease when the Three Years was expired; that he would not have me flatter myself with the vain idea of reaping any of the benefits I had proposed; for I should only deceive myself therein. The best thing I could do was to take his generous offer, and that if I did not, I should surely repent it. To all which I only entreated he would allow me to suspend my thinking Mr. Wetherburn had any intention of acting so dishonourably by me; and that I must at least experience somewhat of what he was pleased to assure me should happen, before it was in my power to believe it possible. Upon my saying this, he turned immediately out of the house seemingly very much offended. However in less than an hour, he sent his servant who informed me it was his master's order that I should attend him immediately at Mr. Wetherburn's, and on my inquiring of the servant who his master war, he seemed surprised at my not knowing that it was Col. Lee,[²] eldest Son and heir to the late President of the Council. On my arrival at Mr. Witherburn's [sic] the noble Col: 28. with a haughtiness peculiar to himself (as being in the superlative degree to any I had ever beheld, even in this Country) informed me that since I refused to credit him on the affair we had been talking about, he had sent for me to receive satisfaction upon the subject from Mr. Wetherburn himself, and closing the whole of his genteel behaviour with observing, if I still persisted in my obstinacy in refusing him my house I might have time to repent of it. He turned from me with an air of what they call a Gentleman.

Mr. Wetherburn did not however think proper to disown his promise of a further lease, but denyed his being under any engagement to repair the House, swearing by his Maker that if I would not part with it to Col. Lee, the house should not be repaired by him. This occasioned some words between us, but I quickly came away and repaired directly to one Mr. Benja. Walker [sic. Waller], an Atty of great practice, showed him my Lease, and acquainted him with the whole agreement. One of the witnesses to the Lease (Mr. Thos. Carter) chanced to be his own Clerk (tho' as I have since found a dependent on Wetherburn, being in his debt). and he being now present, when I made the relation to his master, Mr. Walker turning to him, said, - "I see Tom you are one of the witnesses to this agreement, pray tell me what you know of it." His clerk showed an unwillingness to talk at all upon the subject, and when urged, declared he remembered but little of the matter. He admitted, I for some time was Scrupulous, and refused to sign, but upon what particular occasion would not undertake to say, or what verbal promises Mr. Wetherburn had made. Mr. Waller, before we parted, gave me for Law that a verbal promise attested by two witnesses, would be binding: said it would be advisable for me, (in case of death or other accident) to get under the witnesses hands what they knew of the affair. Carter I found either would or could remember nothing. Swan who drew the Deeds, and argued so strenuously for my relying on Mr. Wetherburn, however, lived now a great distance off. So I wrote to him the whole state of the ease, conjuring in the name and for the sake of Justice and Truth, to favor me with what he knew of the affair under his hand, acquainting him at the time with Mr. Waller's opinion of the necessity of my taking this step. But he would never vouchsafe me any answer: and two Persons of my acquaintance who had an opportunity of seeing and mentioning the thing particularly to him, assure me Mr. Swan's memory is no better than Mr. Carter's and that he is very averse towards recollecting any matters that may . prove disagreeable to Mr. Wetherburn.

On My application to Mr. Walthoe, the other witness who it may be presumed had never been bought by Mr. Wetherburn, but on account of his being my security for the Rent, the worthy gentleman with his accustomed clearness and generosity wrote this: "I very well remember Mr. Wetherburn promised to put the House into good Re-pairs and to grant a further Lease when required and shall be ready at any time when called upon to attest the same upon Oath. N. Walthoe."

Whether this disingenuous behaviour in Mr. Wetherburn was the result of his own mind, or that he was prompted thereto by Col. Lee, 29. is not in my power to determine: but certain it is this last gentleman was far from being pleased when we parted and it was not long before I had a further confirmation of it. A friend of mine at Richmond in Surry (anxious for our welfare) by the means of a Brother of Lord Chief Baron Clive, obtained a recommendatory letter from Sir William Gooch our late Governor, to the late President Col. Lee - the father of this said Gentleman the present Col. Lee. But my friend had. no sooner obtained this letter, and was looking out for the first ship to send it by, than he saw in the Public Papers an account of Col. Lee's death. However, he sent me the letter with an account of Sir William Gooch's death also. My friend had likewise enclosed Sir William's letter to Mr. Clive, wherein I and my family were mentioned with peculiar tenderness and affection. Sir William in this letter assures Mr. Clive of what he had so earnestly solicited of him in my behalf, Countenance, Favour and Protection in Virginia,--adding he wished his friend would have waited till he Sir William came to London, as he should then have bettered the recommendations of Mr. Adair, who it seems...is the real secretary of this Colony; Mr. Nelson being no other than his Deputy. These letters which arrived soon after this Mr. Lee and I had posted as above. I delivered to him the next time he came to my door, and he stopped my passage to read them which when he'. had done he very gravely returned me that of Sir William's to Mr. Clive, saying: That I suppose belongs to you, and putting the other into his pocket stalked off without uttering another word. As Sir William Gooch was dead as well as his Father, I should not have been startled at this cool neglect; had I never offended him by not quitting my house... Tho' while I am writing this I am informed this same Col. Philip Lee has obtained the title of Honourable by being appointed one of the Council. I hope never to have any more to do with him...

Notwithstanding the menaces of this worthy mortal, that I should repent my not letting have my Lease, we went on extremely well, and as I had foreseen, I let out into Tenements as much as amounted to Forty-Six pounds a year, receiving also much the better and larger part for my own use. I had too as much business as we really wished for and my stock, the very considerable my own; and besides a number of debts due to me in Trade. I could and did frequently assist others on an emergency with Twenty or Thirty Pistoles at a time; but this flourishing situation unhappily attracted the envy and rancour of many people besides my Landlord. But the enemy of greatest consequence which yet appeared openly was one Mr. John Holt a merchant and the then Mayor of this City. This man was a friend and a known dependent of the honourable William Nelson Esq., but it was utterly unaccountable what could induce him to become my enemy. I never did nor aimed to do him the least injury in my Life, tho' he maintained an intimacy with my Son, a Boy of 17 years of age, very disadvantageous to me. He was obliged to me for laying out large sums of money with him frequently for Goods, for which he was always duly paid in 30. Cash, a thing here not extremely common; he never dealing with me, except once for two dozens of Madeira Wine when for goodness, there was none such elsewhere to be had.

This smooth [sic] fellow, one day to my great surprise lodged a complaint against me in the Court where he was Mayor for selling Rum to Negroes contrary to Law. In my defence, I told the Court I craved no other favour than strict and impartial Justice, desiring Mr. Holt might produce his evidence in support of his information. Upon which he took notice of the great difficulty he was under in that case, as the Law did not admit a Negro to be an evidence against a white person I acquainted the Court, that I made not the least objection to the Negro evidence, and if Mr. Holt would produce but one such of a reputable character, as a Negro, who would only say, I had ever let a Negro have any spirituous liquors without the leave or order of the Master or Mistress... I should esteem it a just reason for a restraining my selling; that no Negro had ever been served with Rum by my family, I would not presume to say, but I would undertake to affirm that not one merchant in the Town who sold Rum at all was so cautious of letting any Negro be, supplied with rum, without a written or Verbal leave as myself ... I was ready to prove, if they would give me leave, by indisputable evidence, that my family had turned away two Negroes in one day...who went directly from my house to Mr. Holt's, end was then served without the least scruple whatever. This put the Court in a flame, end I was openly ordered to be silent. But one of the Majestrates, Mr. John Blair, a gentleman whom I had not the least acquaintance with, stood up, and said he thought I had as just a right to accuse Mr. Holt--tho' one of that Bench--of an offense, as he had accused me, Justice being no respecter of Persons. However, Mr. Holt saying he had no other ground for his information, save Common Fame. ... they inclined to drop the affair.

But one Mr. John Greenhow another merchant in Town (infamously remarkable for trafficking with Negroes in wine, or any other commodity, Sunday not excepted) requesting to have his Lease extended another year. Mr. Holt stood up again, and in a sanctified speech, informed the Court that he never heard of Mr. Greenhow being guilty of the practice of selling liquor to Negroes--whereupon addressing myself to the byestanders, as well as the Court, I desired all present to take notice what an arrant strumpet this same Common Fame was, who had informed this worthy Gentleman Mr. Holt of my being guilty of this vile practice; and of Mr. Greenhow's innocence of the Fact; this put the Court again in a hubbub... it was thought proper to allow me the liberty of selling as usual and to refuse Mr. Greenhow. Nevertheless, I was since informed by Mr. Holt's or some greater influence Mr. Greenhow had the liberty granted the next Court Day. This affair happened I think in March 1754.

Tho' Mr. Holt failed here in executing his own (or I know not whose) malice, Providence was very soon pleased to put in his power to glut the most rancorous disposition; and he did not neglect the opportunity; for on Saturday the 24th of April 1754, about 8 in the Evening, I being just got to bed my Daughter 31. alarmed me with the cry of Fire at a neighbor's house, one Mr. Palmer, an Atty; there was our good friend Mr. Walthoe's house only between which and us; the apartment where the fire began was a back room or counting house joining to a store next Mr. Walthoe's, which was let to a merchant (Mr. Asborn [Osborn]) who was gone to England to fetch over his Family, and by the neglect of his Brother-in-Law who kept the Store in his absence, in leaving a fire too carelessly in the said room, while he staid longer than he intended at a Public House, the floor first catched and then the window curtains. With any tolerable management, the fire might easily been extinguished, but nothing was sure for a great while but uproar, confusion and disorder. Some person, whether with a good or had intention, was never known, gave the word that there was a large quantity of Gun Powder in the store, which struck a general terror for a considerable time, and the rope to my well, the nearest and only water within a good way, was broke or cut after drawing the first or second bucket. Mr. Palmer's well indeed was close by the room where the fire kindled, but the Cry of the Gun Powder hindered that from being used till it grew too hot to stand at all in that place. The running off with the goods was the chief thing minded, tho' the great bugbear the Gun Powder was neglected, till at the last a Negro of Mr. Walthoe it is said, got up (it being kept just over the store or shop) and tumbled one of the barrels into the street, but the flames having then burst into that room also, the man was obliged to jump down himself to save his life. This was a little less than an hour after the fire was discovered. When the Powder Catched, the whole roof, (covered with shingles, indeed we have no other) was in a blaze. Between the East end of Mr. Walthoe's house and this in flames, was a void space of about Thirty foot, and the wind directly at west, a strong Gale, so that but from the effects of the Gun Powder, there was no great danger, or had his house been covered with Tile slate or any other material not combustible, it had nevertheless remained safe. But the explosion of the Gun Powder, (the roof then all in a blaze) scattered the firebrands upon Mr. Walthoe's house, already heated or d[r]yed like tinder by the adjacent flames, set his house also instantly in a blaze. Had his house been covered with wet bags or blankets, that would have preserved it, but for more than an hour not a ladder (or other useful implement) could hardly be met with. My Pails, Buckets, Tubs, Axes, Spades etc. etc. were indeed delivered immediately, but except the well bucket which was secured at the bottom of the well, I never received one thing any more. The Capitol tho' more than 200 feet distant was by its eastern situation in great danger of being burnt a second time, the shingles catching several times. But that being better attended and supplyed with water etc, etc, it was preserved, tho' at a considerable expense, the assistants there being well paid whereas, save Mr. Walthoe gave out of his own Pocket to Persons who pretended to have aided at Mr. Palmer's and his own house, the recompence of the helpers in general, consisted in what they ran away with, of the substance of the sufferers. Between the West end of Mr. Walthoe's and the east End of my house, was 32. a void space of no more than about four foot. Yet as the explosion was over, without affecting me, and the wind continued to blow still strong at West. I would not suffer any of my goods to be removed out of my house, which was then beset by great numbers of lazy negroes, calmly viewing the Bon Fire. I spoke to a knot of those, exhorting them very civily to assist in drawing or fetching water, etc, but received a surly reply with an Oath of who will pay us? But my good friend, Mr. John Holt, the Chief Magistrate, countenanced and supported by many others no better affected to me than himself, at this instant authorized and commanded these Black Spectators to level or pull down my house to the ground, under the pretence of its being for the Public good by preventing the flames spreading farther into the Town. Several of these Worthy Patriots too insisting that it was the property of Fire to run against the wind. This Righteous order was no sooner issued, than these Lazy fellows became the most active industrious people in the world. For in a moment my doors which I had locked or barred, were all broke open, and every part of my house filled with Negroes innumerable, and under the pretence of assisting my distress, ran away with whatever of my substance they thought fit. My Cellar in particular being so crowded, that they could hardly stand one by another. Every room of my house was also very full, breaking open all my chests of Drawers, Trunks, Boxes, Desks, etc. throwing my goods loose out of the windows into the street. Nor in the Scene of Confusion and destruction, was a single person (white or black) directed to superintend or take the least care of my being robbed or plundered but on the contrary such things as Plate, Glass, China, etc, etc, was without exception, thus tossed out of the windows, into the streets, even in the view of those whose proper business it was to have protected me from such violences. And altho' this night was remarkably cold and piercing, not a single soul had the humanity in these afflicting circumstances to point out a barn or Stable to Shelter (I dont say my wife and Daughter) but my two young Children.

It is not possible for me to compute the damages I sustained in this unparalleled depredation on my goods and every commodity I dealt in as well as Liquors. Of Plate only, I lost seven table and Five or Six tea Spoons and a silver hilted sword; a Silver Mug. These thrown out of a Chamber Window were luckily secured by one Mr. Taspley [Tarpley] of this place, the moment it was picked up by another person; and another large handsome Sword brass mounted with a Silver gripor was carried off, tho' recovered Six months afterwards by the pecularity of its make as described in the publick Paper. This had been a time in the possession of the before mentioned Mr. Greenhow, who it seems received it of his Mayor. An exploit like this, one would think, must have fully satisfied the vengence of not only Col. Lee, Mr. Holt, and Mr. Wetherburn, but of every other envious or malicious mortal, but it was far otherwise. Before I quit this extraordinary piece of business, it is necessary that I should observe that just as all the injury that could well be done to me was completed, and that part of our substance, carried into 33. the garden (the fences of which being all thrown down) and My Wife. and Children as a guard shivering around it. At this time a Gentleman (Mr. Benjm. Grymes) arrived and seeing the mob so busy in pulling down the house, desired to know the meaning of the shocking violence which had been committed; he put an immediate stop to their outrage, intimating that they might easily make themselves sensible of the absurdity of the inhuman order, by turning their faces to the wind, and stepping up himself upon the East end of my house next the flames with the aid of three or four such hands, stopped entirely the spreding of the Fire without any further devastation.

My circumstances being now so reduced, I turned my mind toward my former plan of going to Philadelphia in search of employment. ...

The young Man whose name was Armstrong, brother-in-law of Mr. Osborne with whom the case of the store was intrusted, and to whose neglect the breaking of the fire is attributed, soon after his Brother's arrival, took a large dose of sublimate, which with great torture put an end to his days. This extraordinary-act of power was I think the last that ever Mr. Bolt was concerned in, in this country, for in less than a month he quitted the place, leaving many of his creditors in the lurch... He is gone it seems to New York and some of his cronies dont scruple to say, he will still become a greater man than ever. This honest manta goods and effects, being to be sold off July 11th at Public out cry, the honourable Wm. Nelson and John Robinson Esqrs., being the Trustees, and Mr. John Palmer an. Attorney at Law, being the Chief Actor or Clerk to this Trust, I among many others attended this sale; and it unhappily falling out, that one Col. Bolling, a descendant from the famous Emperor Powhatan, tho' a person quite unknown to me, had a mind for the two things which I had bid for, instead of Civilly desiring me to desist, both times insulted me very coarsely. Mr. Wetherburn also happening to be there, took the opportunity of doing the same, telling Col. Bolling he should have the pleasure of joining with him in turning me out of the house I lived in, swearing moreover, it should never be repaired or enclosed any more, so long as I continued in it. Is not this strange treatment of a Person who had never given the least cause of offence to one single creature in the Colony?

One of the articles, I had bought and about which I had been' insulted was a Tea-Table, and the next day I sent for it; but my servant returned without it, saying Mrs. Bolt the wife of the Bankrupt bid her tell me, that I should not have it, for that it was, bought by her. I then sent my Daughter, who was acquainted a little in the family... To this, she as rudely replied... Whereupon I waited upon Mrs. Bolt myself, setting the whole affair in a clear light before her, as that it was upon my purchasing his very utensil that Col. Bolling the most insulted me; that Mr. Palmer the Clerk, in particular was by, and a witness to my purchase; which however, as I had offered before, I was willing to relinquish to oblige her; but that I should not willingly submit to the scandals of claiming a thing as my property, which was anothers. She still maintained her 34. ridiculous haughty obstinacy in saying she would keep the Table without being obliged to me... I asked her whether she was willing that Mr. Palmer should determine the dispute? She said she was. ... meeting Mr. Palmer at the Court of Hustings.,. called. him. aside acquainting him with the whole affair, informed him too, Mrs. Holt and I had agreed to make him our Lord Chancellor, requesting he would upon honor declare which of us bought the Mahogany Tea Table in dispute? He without the least hesitation replyed, "Mrs. Holt." ... Whereupon I said no more than, —By my own agreement, it was now Mrs. Holt's right. ...

Had Mr. Palmer, who (tho' a neighbor) was a very stranger to me, or any other person, but said to me upon this occasion, "Mr. Fisher upon the presumption of your being a good natured man, I have taken the liberty of obliging Mrs. Holt with a piece of furniture which you bought and she had a mind to: I should have thanked him and esteemed his open manner of doing it... Mr. Palmer became now a very busy agent for Mr. Wetherburn against me.... I determined on representing my case to Mr. Nelson in order to acquit my mind of some jealousy concerning his favoring the injurious assaults I had met with, and at the worst hoping to obtain from him that recommendation to Philadelphia he once proffered me. Accordingly reciting a few only, of the injuries and oppressions I laboured under the Lees and Wetherburns and my treatment at the fire, I was particular in, I concluded, (without a view of redress) that I was inclined to accept of the generous offer he once made me; of a recommendation to Philadelphia. In answer, to my very humble representation, I received a letter from him dated June 18, 1754, full of hauty sneers and illnatured unkind taunts (too much the wit of this Country). He affects to receive the particular instances of cruelty and injustice I had exhibited, as a general charge against the whole Country; who (he affectedly says) I think have not been. remarkable. for their inhumanity. The particular reasons you may have for such a charge, I am a stranger to; nor do I care to enter into their defence, nor to say that a part may be owing to the uneasiness of our own disposition: But since you have represented yourself as a Just and Innocent man, injuriously used, give me leave to say, that if you have followed the practice of retailing Liquors to Servants. and Slaves as is generally reported, and believed (the very words of Mr. Holt) you have not been that inoffensive harmless member of society you would seem to be; however I shall not dispute with you about it. He however closed this benevolent epistle by telling me if I have a mind to try a more hospitable Climate, he will give me such a letter as he thinks can answer. I had (foolishly enough) enclosed one of yours and one of Mr. W. D. Doswell's letters with the vain view of persuading him, that I was once in the esteem of worthy men of no mean figure but this only procured me a disdainful taunt in a Postscript in these words: "I return the enclosed, as they may afford some pleasure to you, tho' none to me." Convinced as I was by this letter that his Honor bore me no good will...and having moreover received a 35. number of other injuries and insults from the friends or dependents of Mr. Nelson, I determined on showing my resentment in a letter to him, tho' I shall first observe, my poor wife, struck with the Idea of his greatness, and the dread of con-sequence, in my contending with so potent an adversary, came to such a difference with me upon what I expressed on my reception of the above mentioned letter of June 18th that she separated bed and board from me. It is likewise to be noted that by Mr. Wetherburn's rancorous proceedings in not allowing the ruined part of my house to be repaired or the Paling made good, whereby I lay open and exposed to many injuries. My habitation was broke open the ensuing winter no less than five times and I robbed of things of considerable value. Two of these times the Thieves were taken and my goods found upon them. First, a woman taken up at Norfolk...who had robbed us of all my wife and Daughters best linen etc, which had escaped the plunderers at the fire such as Headcloaths, Fine Aprons, Handkerchiefs, etc, etc, ... This woman being conveyed from One Parish Officer to another till she arrived at Williamsburg, in order to be secured in the Publick Gaol; happening at last to fall into the hands of Mr. John Palmer, the officer of this Parish... He no sooner viewed the Warrant and perceived the Woman was in Custody for robbing of me only, then he threw the warrant upon the ground with the utmost contempt, bidding the woman go about her business... The next burgulary detected which was about a Fortnight after: a man on whom was found The Silver Mug which had so miraculously escaped at the Fire, and a Silver Souse Pan; the man confessed the Fact, was committed to Jail... this very fellow was released out of Prison, without Judge or Jury or any kind of Tryal whatever. Exasperated by such varieties of base injuries, I drew up a long remonstrance of Eight Folios of paper Containing an account of most of the sufferings by unworthy treatment, we had endured from the time of our landing at York to that Day, vizt: Feby 4th, 1755, observing likewise, that I had received more foul actions, or behaviour from People who were known to be his Honours Friends or Dependants, and sometimes under his immediate Eye; than from any other. As you all probably have an opportunity of seeing both it and the answer, I shall not particularly transcribe either, here. I gave vent to some of the bitterness of Spirit, which I had felt, ... His honor's answer to mine of Feby 14th, is dated, York, Feby 15th and contains 12. Folios. The two first of which (sneers excepted) is taken up in vainly labouring to reconcile his behaviour in regard to the Tea, to generosity, Friendship and good nature. He cavils at my saying the Tea deposited as Security became forfeited if the Principal and Interest of the money borrowed thereon was not discharged in Four months... the argument about the Fire is too abstruce for my comprehension; and as to what is said of Holt's dependency, his honor puts it entirely out of dispute, His Honor and Mr. Holt being the only Person that to my knowledge had ever Charged me, and in the same Phrase almost; with selling Liquors illegally.... I kept my mind almost entirely on the last Paragraph of his Letter, which was this "Yet if you think of any thing, in which I can really serve you." You may 36. freely apply, and laying aside any Resentment; you at least may have raised in my breast; I will endeavor to show you how far a gloomy and suspicious temper of mind may lead a man astray, in forming his Judgment of anothers conduct towards him. I am etc.

Instead I say, of imitating by controverting of Facts some few excepted relating to the judgment or opinion he had formed on my conduct or character... My endeavors were Chiefly employed in using such arguments as might tend to Mitigate or extinguish the Resentment, he seemed, himself so generously inclined to subdue: intimating, at last my determination of proceeding to Brittain early in the approaching summer (if my circumstances, or ability would allow me to do so.), This I sent to him the close of March, or very early in April; and in a letter dated York, April 7, 1755. He returned me a kind and very friendly answer; assuring me of his desire of doing any thing in his power to change the face of our affairs, inviting me for that End to some Conversation with him in Williamsburg, that week on the subject, proposing in the mean time, to my consideration, my taking a trip to Philadelphia this Spring; it being (as he said) more than probable by the help of a letter which he should give me to a leading man there, I should get into some agreeable Business. That of 8 or 10 Pistoles were wanting to defray the charge, they were at my command. Yet after all (he adds) if that hope should fail, and I should still desire to embark for England, I will endeavor to make your voyage as easy and of as little expense to you as I can...

Mr. Nelson's letter which he gave me open, was in the Kindest and warmest terms that can be conceived; ... Mr. Walthoe who neither aimed to retard or encourage this Business; when he found it resolved on, resolved within himself it should not fail for want of his aid, so he furnished me with money, obliging me to take a Doubloon more, after I had received what I had declared fully sufficient; which indeed enabled me to purchase the Horse I was to Ride, that otherwise I should only have hired. My wife, as I was informed (for we never conversed since the falling out with M. Nelson) had no good opinion of the adventure, but compared it with that of our coming to Virginia; so I set out without taking any leave of her, or in Truth, of any one of my Family;... I set out on my Journey on Monday Morning May 12th, 1755, about 4 o'clock, just as Day. was breaking. As I lay in a separate Building, detached from the rest of our Habitation and alone; It was easy for me to remove without disturbing any Part of my Family. On Monday May 12th, 1755, at Day Break, about half an hour after Four in the morning, I left Williamsburg to proceed by God's permission to Philadelphia. ...¹

While in Philadelphia, Fisher received a letter from his friend in Williamsburg, Nathaniel Walthoe, telling him that his family now expressed "an entire conformity" to his will and would join him in Philadelphia or remain in Williamsburg, as he desired. Walthoe offered to rent Fisher a store he owned, which had just become vacant, if Fisher wished to remain in Williamsburg, adding that he thought it unlikely that Fisher "should ever remain in quiet under Mr. Wetherburn." Before deciding to accept a position in Philadelphia offered him by Benjamin Franklin, Fisher made up his mind to return to Williamsburg and discuss the situation with his family and Walthoe. He left Philadelphia on August 10, 1755, and, unfortunately, his journal ends while on his way to Williamsburg. After he reached Williamsburg, Fisher advertised twice concerning a man who robbed him between Bladensburg and Alexandria on August 14 - taking his money, saddle bags, watch, etc.¹ These are the last references we have found in the Gazettes to Daniel Fisher's activities in Williamsburg, and it is not known what he did thereafter. He may have accepted the offer of Mr. Walthoe's store,² or he may have left Williamsburg.³

There is a gap in-our information concerning the property from 1755 (when Daniel Fisher still leased it) until 1770. It was mentioned as the land of "James Shields, dec'd." in 1759, when Mr. Walthoe sold his property to the east of it to Mr.Palmer.⁴ At that time James Shields [III] was 38. not of age; but in June 1760 the property was described as the "lot of Mr. James Shields" (who was evidently then 21 years old), when lot #24 to the west of it was sold by Joanna McKenzie to James Carter.¹ It is not known what young Shields² did with the house prior to 1770. He probably continued to lease it. By August, 1770, he had sold it to William Goodson, a merchant in Williamsburg.

WILLIAM GOODSON'S OWNERSHIP

We have not found the record of James Shields' sale of lot #25 and in part of #26 to William Goodson.³ However,ⁱⁿ an indenture made in August, 1770, between William Goodson and John Draper, farrier and blacksmith, it was the stated that ^the"House and Ground [was] lately purchased of Mr James Shields" by Goodson. The indenture described the part of the property which Goodson leased to Draper as follows:

THIS INDENTURE made the Twenty seventh day of August... [1770] BETWEEN William Goodson of the City of Williamsburg Merchant of the one part and John Draper⁴ of the same place Farrier and Blacksmith of the other part WITNESSETH that the said William Goodson for and in Consideration of the Yearly Rent Covenants and Conditions hereafter in and by 39. these presents expressed on the part and behalf, of the said John Draper...HATH Demised Granted and to Farm Letten...unto the said John Draper...all that part of a Messuage or Tenement which he at present Occupies in the west End of the House and Ground lately purchased of Mr James Shiel4 of the Parish of Bruton in the County of York Planter situate on the Main Street in the City of Williamsburg between the Lott belonging to Mr Alexander Purdie on the West and the Lott late belonging to the Estate of Mr John Palmer deceased on the East Consisting of two Rooms a Kitchen and a Shed on the Ground Floor and two Rooms above Stairs together with a Blacksmiths Shop behind the same. Also one half of the Garden and such part of the Stable as shall be hereafter immediately laid of[f] for his Use and one of the Cellars under the Dwelling House... TO HAVE AND TO HOLD. ..unto the said John Draper...from the Twenty Fifth day of October now next ensuing into the full end and Term of Seven Years thence next ensuing and fully to be Compleat and Ended YIELDING AND PAYING therefor Yearly and every Year during the said Term unto the said William Goodson the Rent of Twenty two Pounds Current Money of Virginia... AND the said William Goodson for himself his Executors...doth Covenant Promise...and Agree...with or without Workmen twice or Oftener in every Year during the said Term at Convenient Times in the Day to enter Come into and upon the premises and every or any part thereof then and there to view search and see the State and Conditions of the same and of all such Defects decays and wants of repairations as shall then be found need-full and necessary...and the same to repair and amend within some short time Afterwards AND further that he the said William Goodson doth reserve to himself the Liberty of pulling down the old Balcony at the front of the said premises when- ever he pleases so to do...¹

The details concerning the western end of the house are of interest: "...two Rooms a Kitchen and a Shed on the Ground Floor and two Rooms above Stairs"; with "a Blacksmiths Shop behind the same"; also "one of the Cellars under the Dwelling House," and half of the Garden and part of the Stable. The reference to "the old Balcony at the front of the said premises" is of especial interest.

By June, 1772, William Goodson had leased to Dr. John de Sequeyra² 40. three rooms at the "East end of the large dwelling House" with the cellar under them, except one room thereof - these rooms adjoining a small shop occupied by Thomas Craig - and the rooms and passages above them to the eastward; the small yard adjoining thereto; and all houses, kitchens, etc., except Craig's shop; also half of the garden and use of the well, as follows:

THIS INDENTURE made the eighteenth day of June...[1772] BETWEEN William Goodson of the City of Williamsbg Merchant of the one part and John de Sequeyra of the same place Doctor of Physic of the other Part. WITNESSETH that for and in consideration of the sum of five shillings by the said John to the said William in hand paid on or before the ensealing... of these presents... And Air and in Consideration of the Rent herein after reserved he the said William Goodson hath granted demised and to farm letten...unto the said John de Sequeyra his Heirs Executors...all that part of the Lott lately purchased by the said William Goodson of James Sheilds now in the possession and occupation of the said John de Sequeyra lying and being in the City of Williamsburg on the South Side of Duke of Gloucester Street with all those three Rooms thereon which are to the East end of the large dwelling House on the said Lotts and adjoin the small Shop now occupied by Thomas Craig¹ with the Cellar under the same except one Room thereof not in the use of the said John de Sequeyra and the Rooms above with the Passages and every part of the House aforesaid which lies to the Eastward of the Rooms aforesaid or any of them or above them with the small yard adjoining thereto and all Houses Kitchens and Buildings except the small Shop aforesaid which are Situate on any part of the Lott aforesaid which are now in the possession of the said John de Sequeyra together with one Half of the Garden on the said Lot and the free Use of the Well thereon. TO HAVE AND TO HOLD...unto the said John de Sequera [sic]...for and during the term of Seven Years from the day next of the date of these presents. YEILDING AND PAYING. therefore yearly on 41. the nineteenth day of June in every Year the full and just Sum of thirty pounds Current Money of Virginia And the said John de Sequeyra cloth hereby covenant and agree to and with the said William Goodson that he will during all the term aforesaid keep the Houses on that part of the Lot aforesaid in good and Tenantable Repair Fire Storms and Natural decays only excepted...¹

What part of the house, if any, was left for William Goodson's store is not clear. He owned other property in Williamsburg. His store was mentioned in July, 1777:

A quantity of excellent STEEL, and a Parcel of NEEDLES, To be sold, WHOLSALE AND RETAIL at William Goodson's Store in Williamsburg.²

In 1779, Samuel Spurr acquainted "those Gentlemen that have any demands against me, to apply to Mr. William Goodson at his store, who has money lodged in his hands to satisfy any demands..."³

In February 1780, "AT public vendue, on the fourth day of March next, will be sold, by the dozen or piece, a very elegant assortment of white silk, cotton, and worsted stockings, coloured ditto of each kind, several pieces of cotton and linen checks, a great variety of rich brussels lace, for ladies and gentlemens ruffles, black silk modes for cloaks, together with some other articles; all of which may be viewed at Mr. Goodson's store in Williamsburg the two days before the sale."⁴ However, we do not know that Goodson's store was in his building on lots 25-26.

On February 21, 1780, in a deed between the executors of Alexander Purdie and Thomas Cartwright to lot #24 to the west, "the lot of William Goodson" was noted as the eastern boundary.⁵

William Goodson died sometime in 1781. His will, dated April 19, 1781, 42. left his real and personal estate, after his debts were paid, to his wife Mary Goodson, "during her life to support her and my lawfull Children Anne, William, and Samuel Goodson and at her Death the whole...to be equally divided between my Daughter Ann, Son William and Son Samuel Goodson."¹

Mary Goodson, "Widow of Mr William Goodson," wrote her will on December 31, 1781, stating that she was then "weak & sickly." She left her estate as follows:

...To my beloved Daughter Nancy Goodson, I give & bequeath three of my Slaves... Also two large looking Glasses with Gilt Frames & now being in a Trunk in the Chamber - Also two other large & one small looking Glass, now in my Front Parlour, also all the Framed Pictures now in sit Parlour, also one Suit of white Calico Curtains now in the Trunk aforesaid. Also the Case of Drawers & Table now in my Bedroom & also one Suit of dark Callico Curtains in sd Bed Room, also one of my best Feather Beds & its complete Furniture - Also all my wearing Apparel.

All the Remainder of my furniture I desire maybe sold to the best advantage for the Benefit Of the Support & Education of my three Children & in such manner as may seem best to my Executors. And it is my Will that my Executors do furnish them the means of a decent & good Education suitable to the income & Profits of their Estate And for which Purpose it is my request that the Horses & Lands to me appurtaining be let out to the best advantage by my Executors & after the Expence of keeping them in proper repair that the Income be disposed of as above.

The remaining Slaves to me belonging, I will may be disposed of for the equall benefit of my three Children, in such manner as may to my Executors seem best.

I further will and order that all my remaining Estate whether real or personal be equally divided between my beloved Children Nancy Goodson, William Goodson & Samuel Goodson.

It is also my further request that in Case my Executors find it necessary to sell any part of my real Estate for the Payment of any just Debts against the Estate of my late Husband deceased, or against my Estate that then it maybe done out of that part, situated on the main Street above the Capitol.

And I do hereby nominate appoint & declare Messrs Humphrey Harwood & George Reid, both of this City, to be my true & law-full Executors to this my last Will and Testament.

Signed, Sealed Delivered...in Williamsburg the 31st day of December, ... [1781] Mary Goodson [Seal]

Mary Goodson died only a short time after her husband, leaving three minor children to be educated by her executors, from the proceeds of the sale of some of her personal property and the rent of the real estate. It is evident from her statement concerning the possible sale of the house on "the main Street above the Capitol" that she had other real estate; and it is probable that the Goodsons rented that entire property and them-selves occupied another site. They owned property on the York Road.¹

Mary Goodson's executors offered her household and kitchen furniture, etc., for sale, and the "houses and Lots where the late Mrs. Goodson lived" for rent in February, 1782, as follows:

TO BE SOLD,
In Williamsburg, an Wednesday the 6 th instant,(February) ILL the household and kitchen furniture belonging to the estate of Mrs. MARY GOODSON, deceased, of this city, consisting of a large number of beds, with their furniture, looking glasses, tables, chairs, a desk and bookcase, two desks, a quantity of CHINA, QUEENS china and glass ware, two likely NEGROES, three cows, three horses and a cart - Also will be rented for one year, the houses and Lots where the late Mrs. Goodson lived, all in good repair. Twelve months credit will be allowed for all sums above ten pounds, upon giving bond with approved security, and if the bonds are not punctually paid, to carry interest from the date - All persons having demands against the said estate, are desired to make them known; and all debts due the said estate, to make immediate payment to
HUMPHREY HARWOOD,)
GEORGE REID, )
Executors²

An inventory of the estate of Mrs. Mary Goodson, made in dune, 1782, and recorded in York County in August, 1782, listed 17 beds, 15 bolsters, 24 pillows, "16 Small Pictures & 2 Square Do" mahogany and walnut tables, 44. chairs, "a Large Chimney picture," 6 prints painted on glass, 11 "Metzetenias," a map of Virginia, several maps and prints, looking glasses, mahogany desk and book case, kitchenware, china, glass, silver, clothing, etc.; also a bay mare and a bay horse, 2 cows, a cart and harness, etc.¹. Her personal estate was valued at £676:15:6. As we do not believe that Mrs. Mary Goodson occupied a part of the large house on Duke of Gloucester Street, her inventory is not given here in full, but appears in the Appendix, pp. xlii-xliv. Her executors continued to rent the eastern part of the house on the main street to Dr. De Sequeyra for a number of years. They evidently did not find it necessary to sell the house to pay outstanding debts, as suggested in Mrs. Goodson's will. Deeds to property to the east and west of lot #25 and part of #26 gave the lot or lots of "William Goodson, deed" as a boundary from 1782-1786.²

Humphrey Harwood, a Williamsburg builder, and one of the executors of Mrs. Mary Goodson's estate, had charges in his ledgers³ against her estate, 1781-1790, and against Dr. John De Sequeyra, 1781-1784. The ledgers indicate that Dr. Sequeyra was still occupying a portion of the Goodson house on Duke of Gloucester Street in 1790; that a Mrs. Singleton also occupied Goodson property (although we cannot tell whether she lived in the house on the main street, or "the House Down Town" - see entry cited below under June 18, 1783).^{See Mrs. Singleton account Oct 17, 1788 puts her in Mrs. Goodsons Tenement.}

Harwood's ledger listed expenditures for the children: "for 3 pr of Shoes for Children 21/"; "to Mr. Rowsay for mending A buckle for Nancy ¾"; "to...James Taylor for 2 pr Shoes (for Nancy & Billy)"; "To a piece of Linnen 25 yds at 3/3 & 2 hatts for the boys 26/"; "to do [cash] pd Margaret Orton for Makeing 3 Vests & 3 pr breeches for Children 9/" etc., etc. It also listed repairs on the Goodson properties:¹ at Dr. De Sequeyra's, Mrs. Singleton's, a Mr. Graham's; or at "the House Down Town" and the "Red House" as follows:

LEDGER B - 43] DOCTR JOHN De SEQUEARY DR

1781
October 14th	To Mortar & Mending Plastering 2/	£-: 2: -
	To taking Down Grate, & Working up Jambs to Chimney 5/	-: 5: -
17	To Outing & Carting 2 loads of wood 21/	1: 1: -
1784
August 12	To 1 bushel of lime 1/ & setting up a Grate 3/ & labourers work 1/	-: 5: -
Novr 26	To 30 bricks 1/ & 1½ bushs of mortar 1/6 & laying an harth 2/6, - & repairing plastering	-: 4: -

LEDGER B - 44] MRS MARY GOODSON'S ESTATE DR

1782			£ S D
May	30	To Do [cash] paid Robt Nicolson for Advertiseg, sale of Houses & Negroes	- 14. -
June	17	To Do paid at York for the Witnesses & ) Mr Reid & myself For the probate of Mr & Mrs Goodson's Will	2. 5. 4
Sep	5	To mortar & repairing Plastering for Doctr De Sequare	- 5. -
		To 3 bushs of lime 4/6. & Repairing Cellar Steps 6. for Do & labr 2/	- 12. 6
1783	...
		To 3 bushs of Lime a 1/.	3. -
		To Repairing Chimney & laying a harth 5/. & labors work 2/6	- 7. 6
June	18th	To 2 bushs of lime a 1/. & Repairg plasterg. 5/.	- 7. -
		To hair 9d & 1 Days labour 3/.	-. 3. 9
		To Whitewashg 4 Rooms, 2 Closets & 2 passages at 4/6	1.11. 6
46.
[1783]			[£ S D]
[June	18]	To 11 bushels of whitewash a 2/. (for the House Down Town)	-. 2. -
		To 6 bushels of lime 6/. & Repairer Well 7/6 (Doctr De Sequare)	- .13. 6
		To 1 Days labour 3/. (Docr De Sequare)	-. 3. -
August	6th	To whitewashg 2 Rooms & front & back passage a 1/6 (for Docr De Sequare)	-.18. -
Septemr	6	To 150 1Od Nails 2/ & 580 do do at 1/	-. 7.10
		To 20 20d do at 1/3 & a pair of cross garnet hinges 3 / 6	-. 3.11
		To 213 10d do at 1. pr C	-. 2. 1½
Novemr	28	To 2 bushs of lime 2/ & Repairg back room 2/6 & lar 9d (for Red house)	-. 5. 3
March	20	To 4 Bush. of lime i,/ & underpinning Smoke House 7/6	-.11. 6
		To labours work 2/ (24) To Cash paid Wm Rowsay for tax in 1782 and a Fee Ino May as pr Receipt	1. 5.8
April	16	To 150 larthes 2/ & 10 bushs of Lime at 1/	-.12. -
		To Repairing Kitchen Back & harth 3/	-. 3. -
		To Repairing Larthing & Plastering 10/ & 11 Days labr at 2/6	-.13. 9
August	12	To 5 bushels of lime 5/ & repairing Cellar Steps & do wall 4/6	-. 9. 6
	°
1785
June	4	To 1 bushel of lime 1/ & 40 bricks 1.3	-. 2. 3
		To repairing Chimney (for Graham) 2/6 & labours work 9d	-. 3. 3

PER CONTRA CR

1782
Jany	28th	By Cash for 2 piggs 12/	-.12. -
May	1	By Ditto for 3 moths Rent of Old Shop a 25/ pr Mo F. Cartisan	3.15. -
"	31	By 14 Days work of James a 2/6	1.15. -
		By Old Stable 5.0.0	5. 0. -
1783
May	12	By Cash Receiv'd of Doctr John de Sequeyra for House Rent Due the first Day of this Month (May)	20. -. -

LEDGER B - 110] MRS MARY GOODSON'S EST: DR

1787
May	24	To 4 bushels of lime 4/ & 72 Bricks 2/	-. 6. -
		To working Wall to Cellar Cap & repairing Pillars	-.10. -
		To porch & steps & under pining )
		To 1 days labour 2/6 & do to Doctr De Sequerai 6/	-. 8.6
		To 2 bushels of lime 2/ & labours Work 1/6	-. 3. 6
47.
[1787]			[£ S D]
July	11	To 7 bushels of lime 7/. & hair 1/3	-. 8. 3
		To labours Work 2/ & repairing plastering 7/6	-. 9. 6
		To 1 bushel of Whitewash 2/	-. 2. -
		To white-washing 1 Room & 2 passages a 4/6	-.13. 6
1788
		To 3 bushels of lime 3/ & 65 bricks 1/9 - -	-. 4. 9
		To repairing Top to Chimney 10/. & labour 3/6	-.13. 6
Octor	17	To 4 bushels of lime 4/. & setting up a Grate up Stairs 2/6	-. 6. 6
		To mending Back & Jambs of Grate below 2/.	-. 2. -
		To 1 bushel of lime 1/ --- for Mrs Singleton's	-. 1. -
		To sundries charged to Mrs Whitaker & by consent to be charged to this Est.	7. 5. -
		To sundry articles charged to Capt Singleton by consent charged to ye above Est. - -	7.11. -

LEDGER C - 31] MRS MARY GOODSON'S ESTATE DR

1790
Jan:	30th	…
April	8	To lime & sundry work at Doctr De Sequera's	-. 8. -
May	12	To 1 bush: of lime 9d & 3 pecks of Whitewash 1/	-. 1. 9
		To whitewashing the large Room (at Mrs Singleton's) 5/	-. 5. -
		To do passage & stairway 3/9	-. 3. 9
June	7	To whitewash 5d & whitewashing a Room 3/6 (Doctr Sequera's)	-. 3.11
	25	To whitewash 7d & whitewashg a Ceiling & passage (as ab.)	-. 8. 3½
July	20	To whitewash 9d & do 3 Rooms (at Mrs Singleton's) 3/9	-.12. -
Octr	25	To 2 bush: of lime 1/6 & 1½ days work of Nat 6/.	-. 7. 6

In 1796, James Davis, Who owned lot #24 to the west of the Goodson house, noted in an insurance policy that his house, then occupied by Cyrus Griffin, stood between Philip Moody's lot and "that of Samuel Goodson."¹ It is not know why the property was referred to as Samuel Goodson's at that time - as the son Samuel was still a minor. Possibly it was the insurance agent's mistake and he meant William: for at the same time another "lot of Samuel Goodson" was given as the boundary of Robert Nicolson's property on 48. Woodpecker Street, or York Road.¹ It is probable that this latter Good-son lot was the "Down Town" property belonging to the Goodson estate and formerly to Samuel Spurr.

In 1799, William Goodson, another son - then about 21 years of age - offered the two properties belonging to the Goodson estate for sale:

THE SUBSCRIBER
Offers for SALE, on reasonable terms... two
HOUSES LOTS,
IN the city of Williamsburg: one of them is situated on the main street, near the capitol, and is well calculated for a private dwelling or a store; it has a small garden which maybe inclosed at a small expence.
The other is situated on the road leading from Williamsburg to York, has the advantage of a large garden, and a rich, fertile lot adjoining - bonds with approved security will be required for the payment and no deed will be made for the property till the terms of sale have been completed. The terms will be made known by applying to me in this city [Richmond] or to Mr. W. Whitaker in Williamsburg, who will also skew the houses to any person disposed to purchase.
WILLIAM GOODSON²

Apparently the property was not sold immediately, for four lots (each house was probably listed as standing on two) continued to be charged to Mary Goodson's estate in the Williamsburg Land Tax Records until 1801, when the York Road property was transferred to Elizabeth Armstead.³

NINETEENTH CENTURY OWNERS

Unfortunately, we have found no insurance policies on the property with which this report is concerned; but a study of the Mutual Assurance Society policies on adjoining properties to the east and west, and the land tax records of the City of Williamsburg from 1782-1861 indicate that the following persons owned the site:

Sometime between 1801 and 1806, ¾ of a lot¹. passed from Mary Goodson's estate² to Peter Powell,³ probably via Philip Moody. It continued to be charged to Peter Powell through 1828 (first valued at $70, and in 1820 at $450 for building and $550 for lot and building). In 1829, it was charged to Christiana H. Powell "via the last will and testament of Peter Powell deal" changing to Christiana H. Powell's estate in 1834. In 1840 all property values were increased, and the property was valued at $800 for building and $1000 for lot and building. In 1850 it passed from Christiana H. Powell's estate to Peter T. Powell⁴ (still valued at $800 and $1000).

The Mutual Assurance Society policies to adjoining property confirm the Powell's ownership of lot #25. In May 1806, John Coke insured the buildings (formerly insured by James Davis) on lot #24, to the west of #25, and 50. noted the lot of Peter Powell as an eastern boundary.¹ In 1809, Coke again insured his property and again noted that it was "west of Powells lot."² In 1846, William W. Vest insured the property to the east of lot #25 and gave "the lots of Peter Powell's estate" as his western boundary.³

In 1852 Peter T. Powell's property (still valued at $800 for house and $1000 for house and lot) passed to William W. Ware, in whose name it continued at the same valuation until 1855, when it was charged to William W. .Ware's estate.⁴ An insurance policy of William W. Vest, to property to the east in 1853, gives "W. W. Ware's lot West."⁵

We have found no indication in the Williamsburg Land Tax Records as to how the property passed from William W. Ware's estate to William Blassingham. However, in 1860, when William W. Vest again insured his property to the east of lot #25, William Blassingham was given as the western boundary.⁶

William Blassingham's name first appeared on the Williamsburg Land Tax Records in 1857, when he was charged with a house valued at $1600 - house and lot at $2000. His name continued on the tax list, with valuations as given above, through 1860. This is strange, because, apparently, in 1858 William Blassingham's house was destroyed by fire.7 The following notice appeared in the Williamsburg Weekly Gazette for March 17, 1858 (page 2 column 2): "Mr. Wm. T. Blassingham's house was consumed by fire last Saturday night."

In 1861 Blassingham's property was transferred to Thomas Moss and reassessed, the house being valued at $1800 - the house and lot at $2200.¹ That this was the property in question is definite, as there is record in the Williamsburg Deed Books, which are extant from 1865 to date, that the land of Thomas Moss, deceased, was bound by the lots of William W. Vest on the east; and that it stood "on the South Side of Main Street in the City of Williamsburg, bought of William Blassingham by Thomas Moss, deceased."² New buildings had been erected on the property by Blassingham or Thomas Moss, and the latter evidently had a dwelling house and carriage-making business on the site.³ After Thomas Moss' death the property was divided between his sons, William E. Moss and Thomas A. Moss, and in 1867 William E. Moss was carrying on the carriage making business on his portion of it under the "firm and style of Harrell and Moss."⁴

An old building, doubtless a portion of the original building, was described by a late citizen of Williamsburg who wrote of Williamsburg as he remembered it ca. 1861. He recalled a building on the site which burned in 1858. Starting with the property to the west, we quote from Mr. John S. Charles as follows:

On the lot adjoining the "Macon" house, on the site of the present home of Mrs. Tilledge, there stood a very old story-and-a-half frame house, with dormer windows. This old house was built on a brick foundation about four feet high and had a small porch on the front.

On the lot between the old house.just described and the "Vest" Christian lot [present "Kerr House"] there stood up 1928: Block 9 Lots 27, 26, 25. Vest-Christian House & "Orangery" (now Kerr House) Roberts House; and end of Tilledge House (now John Coke Office). 52. to 1858, when it was destroyed by fire, a long one-and-one-half story frame building, with dormer windows. The front door was close to the ground with just two stones for steps down to the street.

To the windows on the lower flaw of the Colonial structure, there were doable "shutters" made with panels like most of houses of that day.

This old house is well-remembered by the writer, who lived across the street from it when it was burned. After the fire the house now owned by Mr. Roberts was built and was occupied as a residence by a Mr. Moss, who erected on the site of the old dwelling, two large two-story shops, in which he manufactured carriages, buggies, wagons, etc. These houses were there when the Union host marched past, the bands playing "Yankee Doodle" and "On to Richmond," and when Gen'l McClellan made his headquarters in the "Vest" house, which presented then very much the same exterior appearance as it does today.¹

Another late inhabitant, recalling the town in 1861, after the house had burned, wrote as follows:

To the west of the Vest House [present Kerr House] was the present Roberts House. This house has been changed only in the addition of the right wing which has quite recently been built. When I came to Williamsburg [June 1861], this house had the appearance of having just been built, and it was, then, unoccupied; ...To the left of this house, in what is now the Roberts' garden, stood a small, frame, story and a half cottage. At the time of which I write, the present Tilledge House [present "John Coke Office"] looked, with the exception of the west wing, just as it does now. ...²

A chain of title to the property from 1865 on was prepared in 1928 for the Williamsburg Restoration.³ It passed from the heirs of Thomas Moss through several hands, and in 1878 both parts of the property of the said Moss (one-fourth interest and a three-fourths interest) were owned by William H. B. Morecock, who conveyed the lot to William M. Taylor. After several From Frenchman's Map 1782? 53. other changes of title it was conveyed to the King family, who deeded it to the Peninsula Realty Corporation, who, in turn, sold it to Sophia C. Wynne Roberts in 1924. In 1928, Sophia C. Wynne Roberts and L. W. Roberts, her husband, conveyed the property to Dr. W. A. R. Goodwin (acting for the Williamsburg Restoration), reserving a life interest for themselves. The property at present (October 1951) is occupied by Miss Margaret Wynne Roberts, daughter of the late Mr. and Mrs. L. W. Roberts. It will be turned over to the Williamsburg Restoration very shortly; and when the nineteenth-century building has been removed, archaeological excavations will be made on the site, and the information added to this report.

The scale drawing opposite this page shows the section of the Frenchman's Map (ca. 1782) of Williamsburg which includes the property (lots 25 and part of 26) which then belonged to Mary Goodson's estate. A long building is indicated on the site. Below it is an archaeological sketch of the site, with the present "Roberts House" still standing.

JEAN MAROT

Jean Marot's name appeared in a list of Huguenot emigrants who came to Virginia ca. 1700. He arrived in the second of four convoys, and many of his fellow passengers settled at Manakin-town, above the falls of James River.¹

Soon after his arrival, Marot was employed by William Byrd I of "West-over," in Charles City County, for Marot's signature as a witness appeared on Byrd's will, written on July 8, 1700.² Just prior to Byrd's death, on December 4, 1704, Marot was called upon to witness a last minute addition to the will. After Byrd's death depositions were taken concerning the added memorandum, and "The Deposition of John Marot aged 27 Years or thereabouts... Servant to the Deceased Colo. William Byrd,"³ made "At a Court holden at Westover the 3d of February 1704[/05]" was included. William Randolph also made a deposition at this time, in which he mentioned Marot as Byrd's "Man Marot."⁴ "Servant" and "Man" do not make Marot's exact position in the household clear - he may have been a secretary.

Jean Marot is said to have been of the family of Clement Marot,⁵ French poet (b. 1496 - d. 1544) whose translation of the psalms had a powerful influence on his contemporaries and who, being a freethinker and a Protestant, was forced to flee from France to Geneva and then to Turin, where he died. Clement Marot's father, Jean Marot, was a Norman poet of considerable merit.⁶

After William Byrd's death, Jean Marot moved to Williamsburg. There was an order of the Council in November, 1705 that two French prisoners "taken in ye West Indies by her Majesties Ship the Warwick" be continued Appendix p. ii "at ye house of John Marol [sic] Williamsburgh and that six pence per day be allowed each of them for their Subsistance...for the time they shal or have remained at his house," until they could be put on a vessel bound for England.¹ John "Marol" was doubtless Jean Marot, whose knowledge of French would have made his house a logical place to board the Frenchmen. We do not know what house he occupied at this time - or at the time he applied for a licence to keep "ordinary at his now dwelling house in ye Citty of Williamsburgh"² on May 24, 1707. He obtained lot #25, "with all Houses, Edifices, buildings," by deed of sale from James Shields on January 24, 1708, for fifty pounds Sterling.³ He may have leased this property prior to the purchase. In May of the same year Marot purchased forty foot square of land out of the adjoining lot to the east (lot #26) from William Robertson.⁴ He probably enlarged the buildings purchased from James Shields about this time and kept his ordinary on this site. Marot petitioned the York County Court for, and obtained a renewal of his ordinary licence each year until his death in 1717 - his securities (or the two persons who put up bond guaranteeing that he would keep an ordinary in accordance with the laws and restrictions) changing from time to time.

On February 24, 1708, John Marot was appointed constable of the City of Williamsburg, the place being then vacant.⁵ On February 24, 1710, Marot petitioned the court "that he might be Discharged from the Said Office haveing Served therein for the Space of Two Years."⁶ His petition was granted and John Brooke appointed in his place.

William Byrd II, who was in England during the time Marot was employed by his father at "Westover," but who evidently knew Marot on his return to Virginia, owned the property to the west of Marot - Lot #24 with the "good dwelling house thereon built"⁷ - having purchased it from the same James Shields who shortly thereafter sold Marot Lot #25. In his diary kept for the years 1709-1712, Byrd mentioned dining "at Marot's" when in Williamsburg to attend meetings of the Council or General Court.⁸ Byrd may have used the house on the adjoining property for his "lodgings" when in Williamsburg. The records throw no light on this matter.

In 1710, and again in 1713, Marot was "presented by the Grand Jury for Selling Liquors at Higher Rates than is Set"; but in both instances, acknowledging fault and "Submission to the Courts Judgement," he was excused.¹

In 1711, Marot preferred a claim to the York County Court of Public Claims for £3:1:3 for "accommodateing Sevl french Prisoners...by the Gov[erno]rs direction."²

In 1714 Richard King sued John Marot for "[£] 46:7:6 due by accot for Carpenters Work" done on Marot's house to which Marot objected, pleading a discount of £28:18:2 in the amount. Three men, among them Henry Cary, Jr., a builder, were appointed by the court to view the work and adjust the difference, and Marot was required to pay "the ballance of Eleven Shillings & twopence farthing" - probably over the amount he felt was due the plaintiff.³

In 1713, John Marot was granted by the Trustees for building the City four lots in Williamsburg for three pounds - lots #274, 275, 276, and 277 - with the usual stipulation that he build on each of the lots within 24 months.⁴ In 1715, he was granted lot #802 by the Trustees for fifteen shillings, with the building clause.⁵ It is to be doubted that he built on these lots, and they probably reverted to the City. At any rate, all of the above lots except #277 were granted by the Trustees to James Shields (son of the James Shields from whom Marot got lot #25) in 1752,⁶ with the building clause included in the grant.

In June 1717, John Marot purchased lot #56 in the City of Williamsburg, with "ye mansion or Dwelling house thereon now standing" from the executors of William Wharton for forty pounds. This house was on the north side of Duke of Gloucester Street, "opposite to ye now dwelling house of ye sd Marot."⁷

Marot appeared in the York County Court from time to time. In 1710, "William Brown the Younger" sued him for a protested note drawn by one Stephen Panton and endorsed by Marot for six pounds sterling - which Marot had to pay.⁸ In August 1710, "Henry Tyler, Gentl Complaining to the Court-that John Marott being Arrested by the Legal Constable of Bruton parish by Virtue of a Warrant to Answer the Complaint of Robert Smith in Contempt refused to Obey the Said precept." Marot was ordered to be brought to the next court by the sheriff; Appendix iv. and "The Court upon hearing the defence made by John Marott on a Complaint of Henry Tyler...for the Sd Marotts Contemning a Warrent issued by him & Served by the Legall Constable of the City of Williamsburgh" fined Marot one hundred pounds of tobacco and costs.¹ In March 1712, Marot was granted a protested judgment against the Estate of Solomon Wheatly, deceased, for sixteen pounds nineteen shillings three pence due for a bill of exchange drawn by Wheatly.² In 1714, "John Marot & Ann his wife" were plaintiffs against John Serjanton and Winifred his wife for "one hundred pounds Steal damage by means of the deft Winifreds writeing publishing & speaking diverse false feigned & Scandelous words of the pl[aintif]f Ann &c as in the declaracon is more fully expressed." Six jurors were appointed to decide the amount of damage sustained by Anne Marot, and she was allowed "five pounds Sterlg damages."³ John Marot was summoned to Court in 1716 in an action of debt brought by Humphrey Bell & Henry Dee, London merchants, for fourteen pounds three shillings, which amount Marot-confessed judgment on, and paid with costs.⁴

Marot died in November 1717 - said to have been murdered by Francis Sharpe.

In 1710, 1711, and 1712, Francis Sharpe of York County was one of Marot's securities in obtaining his ordinary licence. Francis Sharpe purchased two lots in Williamsburg, lots #57 and 58, on the north side of Duke of Gloucester Street, opposite to Marot, on May 2, 1717.⁵ He erected buildings on the property and planned to operate an ordinary, applying for a licence about the time he was charged with the murder of Marot. His petition was rejected at that time.⁶ Nothing has been found in the records to throw light on the way Marot died, or on why Sharpe was accused of his murder. The following entry in the York County Records sums up our information:

"At a Court held for York County November the 18th 1717 "Whereas Francis Sharpe was by warrant of Wm Timson Gent one of the Justices of this Court comitted to the County Goal on Suspition of his haveing murdered John Marott & being now brought before his Majesty's Justices here present & together with Severall witnesses being diligently Examined touching the said fact, It appearing to the Court that there is just cause for trying the said prisoner at the Court of Oyer & Terminer for the murder whereof he is accused. It is therefore ordered that the said ffrancis Sharpe be remanded to the prison of the County under the Custody of the Sheriff & from thence to be conveyed to the publick Goal at Wmsburgh as the law in such cases directs."

Unfortunately the records of the Court of Oyer and Terminer have been destroyed; but it is obvious that Francis Sharpe must have been exonerated, for he was granted a licence to keep an ordinary in 1718, and remained in Williamsburg for some years.¹

In his will, dated August 31, 1717, and proved in York County Court on December 16, 1717, John Marot mentioned his "dear & loving wife Anne," and his three daughters, Edith, Anne, and Rachel.² He left his wife Anne "One third part of all my Lotts of Land, houses & Appurtenances...in ye sd County of York" during her natural life, to revert to his daughters after her death, and he left his daughters two thirds of his "lotts of houses...equally to be devided" between them. His wife was to enjoy all of his property until his daughters attained the age of 21 years or married. (See copy of will - Appendix p. vi .) An inventory of Marot's personal property (see following pp. vii-xii) listed furnishing for a large souse, 11 servants or slaves, and a large wine cellar, evaluated at £904.11.1³

By March 17, 1718, Timothy Sullivant had married the widow, Anne Marot, and he and Anne were bonded to guarantee Anne's "just & faithful" administration of Marot's estate - Anne having, been appointed executrix.⁴ He also obtained a licence to keep ordinary⁵ and he and Anne continued to operate John Marot's ordinary for some years.

Jean Marot's daughters married as follows: Edith married Samuel Cobbs of York County and later of Amelia County; Rachel married Richard Booker of Amelia County; and Anne married first, James Ingles (or Inglis), son of Mungo Ingles; secondly, James Shields, who died in 1750; and third, Henry Wetherburn, a well-known tavern keeper in Williamsburg.⁶ Anne and James Shields ran the tavern or ordinary on lot #25 (once kept by Jean Marot and later by his widow Anne) probably as the English Coffee House.⁷

A full copy of Jean Marot's will is here given:

"At a Court held for York County 16th Decemr 1717.

"The last Will & Testament of Jno Marot deced was presented in Court by Anne Marot ye Exectx therein named who made Oath to it & being also proved by ye Oaths of all ye Wittnesses thereto is Admitted to Record on ye Mocon of ye sd Anne...Certificate is granted her for Appendix p. vi Obtaining a Probate thereof in due form."¹

[August 31, 1717]

"In the Name of God AMEN I John Marrot of Wmsburgh in ye County of York being of Sound & disposing mind & memory do make this my last Will & Testamt in manner following. First I Comitt my Soul into ye hands of God my Creator & Redeemer trusting thro' his merits for a joy full Resurrection. My body I desire may be decently buryed at ye discretion of my Exectx herein hereafter named. And for ye disposall of what wordly Estate God has been pleased to bestow upon me I do Give & dispose of ye, same in manner following. I Give & Bequeath to my dear & loving wife Anne One third part of all my Lotto of Land, houses & Appurtenances to ye same belonging Scituate & being in ye Parrish of Bruton in ye sd County of York for & during ye term of her naturall life & ye other Two thirds of my Lotts of houses& the Reversion of ye third part thereof after ye death of my ad Wife 1 do Give Devise & bequeath to my Three daughters Edith, Anne & Rachel & to their heirs for Ever Equally to be divided between my sd daughters & their heirs. And it is my Will & desire that my ad wife have & Enjoy all y4 Lotts & houses untill Such time as my sd daughters shall Severally attain to ye age of Twenty One Years or be marryed & that Each of my sd daughters as they shall attain to their Several). respective Ages of Twenty one Year or shall be marryed shall have & Enjoy their part or Share in ye sd Lotts & houses provided my sd wife do during Such time continue to be a Widow, & from ye time my sd wife shall happen to Marry it is my Will & desire that She have & Enjoy only one third part of my sd Lotto & houses as before given & bequeathed to her & for ye disposing of my personal). Estate after my Debts & funeral). Expences are paid & Satisfyed I do Give & bequeath all my all my repeated] ready money, Debts, Plate; household Goods & all my personal). Estate whatsoever to my sd wife Anne & to my sd Three daughters Edith, Anne & Rachell Equally to be divided between them my sd wife & daughters. Lastly of this my last Will & Testament I do Make, Constitute & Appoint my sd dear wife Anne Sole Executrix In Witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand & Seal ye Thirty first day of August in ye year One Thousand Seven hundred & Seventeen.² Jean Marot [Sealed]

"Signed, Sealed, Published
& Declared by ye within
named Jno Marot as & for
his last Will & Testamt
in the presence of Tho: Jones
D: Bloviet
Jean Pasteur"

"At a Court held for York County 16th Decemr 1717 This last Will & Testamt of Jno Marot decd was presented in Court by Anne Marot ye Exectx therein named who made Oath to it & being proved by ye Oaths of all ye Appendix p. vii Wittnesses is admitted to Record.

Tru (?) Phi: Lightfoot Clk

[Truly Entered
Probated December 16, 1717]"

A full copy of Jean Marot's inventory follows:¹

"INVENTORY of the Estate of John Marott deed as followeth Vizt

To 1 bed & furniture	£ 6. -. -
1 Do	6. -. -
7 Cane Chairs	1. 3. -
i Chest a Table& Some Duck	1. -. -
1 pr hand Irons	-. 5. -
2 Cottail beds & 1 feather Do	5.10. -
2 feather beds & furniture	13. -. -
1 Table Chairs & broom	-. 8. -
To Sundry goods in the Cuddy	5.10. -
1 featherbed & furniture	7. -. -
8 pr Winder Curtains	2. -. -
1 Trussel bed & furniture	3. -. -
16½ Ells holland	4. -. -
1 bed Cord	-. 1. 6
1 bread basket	-. 1. 6
16½ 1 Worsted	1.10. -
2 Chests	-.12. 6
4 leather Chairs	-.12. 6
3½ Ells of Sheeting Canvass	-. 7. 6
1 Looking Glass	2. -. -
2 Tables	-.17. 6
1 press & Severall things in it	4.15. -
18 1 of double-Refined Sugar	1. 7. -
51 l of white powder do	2. -. -
1 pr hand Irons	1. -. -
3 pictures	. 5. -
1 bell	-. 3. 6
2 Sugar Potts	-. 2. 6
1 box Iron & heaters	-. 3. -
1 Table & Chest	1. 2. 6
4 Tables	5.10. -
1 Napkin press	1. 5. -
14 leather Chairs	3.10. -
1 large looking Glass	2.10. -
A parcell of Earthen Ware	-.12. -
1 pr hand Irons	-.16. 8
1 fire Shovell & Tongs	-. 2. -
1 Mugg & Pictures	-. 7. -
1 bed & furniture	3.10. -
2 Gunns	-.15. -
Appendix p. viii
1 Spinning wheel	[£] -.10. -
1 Table	-. 8. -
1 Sertorn [?]	-.15. -
1 Table & wood horse	-. 3. -
4 Chairs	1. 4. -
2 beds furniture & Trussel	4.10. -
a parcell of Cotton	-. 6. -
1 Sett Curtains & Vallens & box	3. -. -
1 old Duro & box	1.11. -
1 Dagger	-. 5. -
To Sundry things in a Duro	1.10. -
1 Watch	4. -. -
1 Jappanned Chest of Drawers Table bed looking Glass & Chairs	25. -. -
1 bed & furniture	8. -. -
1 Trussell	-. 7. 6
2 Tables	2. -. -
1 pr hand Irons Shovel & Tongs	-.15. -
A parcell of Earthen Ware	-.14. -
Glasses & China Cupps	-. 7. 6
40 Ells of Virga Cotton	3. -. -
2 ps of Cherry Derry's	2.10. -
3 prof Callico	2.12. 6
1 press bed	1.10. -
1 dozn of new Cane Stools	1.10. -
2 old Chairs	-. 1. 3
1 bed & furniture	7. -. -
4 Chairs	-.16. -
2 Mopps	-. 3. -
1 Table	-. 5. -
1 brush	-. 1. 6
1 black Walnut Table	-.18. -
1 Couch bed	1. 2. -
1 bed	1. 5. -
2 pr blanketts	2. 4. -
1 bed	2. -. -
1 Rugg	1. -. -
1 bed	4. -. -
1 bed & bed stead	4.10. -
1 bed & furniture	6. -. -
1 Chest of Draws	4. -. -
1 dressing Glass	-. 7. 6
2 Tables	2.10. -
1 Carpet	1. -. -
6 Cane Chairs	1.10. -
1 Couch and Squob [?]	1. 5. -
1 Tea Table & furniture	1.15. -
1 pr Money Scales	-.17. 6
1 Trunk	-. 2. -
1 pr Doggs fire Shovell & Tongs	-.15. -
To Sundry Goods in the Closet	11. 4. -
1 Desk and Severall things in it	2.10. -
To Do	.9. -
Appendix p. ix
To Do	[£] -. 3. -
1 bed & furniture	9. -. -
3 Trunks	1.10. -
1 Chest of Draws	1. -. -
7 pr Ozn Sheets	2. 3.9
2 Chests & Boxes	-.15. -
4 Chairs	-. 7. -
1 Cotton hammock	-.17. 6
a parcell of new Goods	3. 5. 6
53 pillowbers	1.13. 12
Towells	1. 2. -
To Do	-.11. 3
Table Cloths & Napkins	37. 3. 6
Sheets	23. 3. -
1 pr Tongs & bellows	-. 3. 6
256 Ounces of Plate 5/6	70. 8. -
1 fire Shovell & Tongs	-. 4. -
1 looking Glass & basket	-.11. 6
4 Oz burnt Silver	-.16. -
1 pipe of Sower Wine	5. -. -
52 Gallons of Madera Wine	7. -. -
22 bottles of Canary	3. 2. -
3 hhds of Cyder	3. -. -
42 doz of Red Port	4.10. -
3 doz & 10 bottles of Sower Wine	1. -. -
13 qts of Rennish	1.19. -
22 Doz & 1 pt Do [Rennish]	4.16. 6
6 doz & 4 bottles Rennish	5.14. -
3 doz & 9bottles of Red Port	3.15. -
1 doz & 8 Do	1.13.4
4 doz & 2 Do	4. 3.4
4 doz & 4 Do	4. 6. 8
3 doz & 2 bottles of White Lisbon	3. 2. 4
8 doz of Red Port	8. -. -
4 doz & 2 bottles of brandy	1.17. 6
12 Pottle Bottles of french Do	3. -. -
To Capt Posfords* Accot	11. 8. 4
6½ Doz Madera Wine	4. -. -
3 Doz of White Lisbon	3. -. -
25 Gallons of French Brandy	10. -. -
6 Doz & 3 bottles of English beer	2.15. -
4 Doz of Bristoll Beer	.12. -
3 Gallons of Anniseed Water	1. -. -
To Sundry Liquors & bottles	-.19. -
1 box & 2 funnells	-. 3. 6
Casks & Molasses	2.18. -
Sugar & pipes	3. 5. -
1 pott of Tammarins & 1 hammer	-. 2. 6
2 Casks	-. 4. -
Pipes	-. 5. -
8 doz of Wine	3. -. -
3 Cart hoops	-. 6. -
3 Skins	-. 9.-
Appendix p. x
1 Spade	[£] -. 2. 6
Currants Reasons & Lumber	5. -. -
1 Mapp	-. 1. 6
1 ps of Iron	-. 1. -
3 Casks	-.15. -
To Sundry Goods	2. -. -
Bottles	-. 5. 6
A runlet of honey	-.10. -
A Basket of Pipes	-. 5. -
1 Case	-. 5. -
1 Do	-. 2. -
3 Runletts	-. 4. -
11 Bottles of Lisbon	-.18. -
1 punch Bawls	-. 1. 6
4 doz of Candle Moles	4. -. -
Hemp	- . 3. -
3 Runletts	-. 4. -
3 Gross Pipes	-. 6. -
5 Gallons Pickel	-. 5. -
1 Box of Pickles	-.18. -
15 Pickle Bottles	-. 6. 3
1 Raskin Do	-. 4. -
3 Juggs of 0yle	-.10. -
4 Stone Juggs	-. 2. -
1 Flackin Bottle [Flagon?]	-. 4. -
4 Stone Juggs	-.12. -
2 pr Tarriers & 1 bottle Crane	-. 4. -
2 Iron Potts	-.17. 6
4 Narrow hoes	-. 5. -
1 Sett of Iron Wedges	-. 5. -
2 beds	-.15. -
1 pail	-. 8. -
Ole Iron	-. 1. -
1 Negro man named Toney	40. -. -
1 Mare & Colt	2. -. -
1 Grindstone	-. 1. 6
8 head of Cattle	11. 5. -
hoggs at the Quarter	1. 2. -
1 Close stool 1 bed pan & 4 pales	-.15. -
2 Oz Plate	-. 9. -
Bottles	£ 8.10. -
1 Copper	6. 8. 3
3 doz of drinking Glasses	-.15. -
1 Cart 4 horses & harness	17. -. -
1 Grey Colt	2. -. -
1 Small Grey horse	3.10. -
2 Coach horses	12. -. -
Mrs. Marrotts Riding horse	6. -. -
1 Grey Mare & Colt	1.10. -
1 Young black horse	1.10. -
1 Young Mare & Colt	3.10. -
1 Saddle	.10. -
Coach Harness	4. -. -
10 Sheep	3. -. -
Appendix p. xi
1 Coach	[£] 14. -. -
1 New Saddle & bridle	2.10. -
1 Saddle Pistoll & Sword	1. 5. -
1 Warming pan	-.10. -
1 Table	-. 7. 6
2 Stills	21.11.-
1 Trevett	-.10. -
Lumber	- .5. -
1 Iron Pott	-.13. 4
13 Bushells of Salt 20d	1. 1. 8
2 Brass Kettles	2.10. -
To Sundrys in the Milk house	3. 9.-
Lumber in the yard	-.10. -
To Sundry Goods in the Billiard Room	3. -. -
1 New brass Kettle	5.11. 8
100 1 of old Pewter 8d	3. 6. 8
8 doz of Plates 127	4.16. -
192 1 of new Pewter 10d	8. -. -
1 Jack	1. -. -
3 Skillets qty 34 l	2. 2. 6
3 Do brass	1. 5. -
3 Copper potts	-.10.-
1 brass Sauce pan	. 4. -
109 l of new brass	5. 9. -
41 of old Do	1. -. 6
1 Tea Kettle & Trevett	-.12, 6
1 pestle mortar & Chafing dish	1. -. -
8 l Brass	-.8.-
1 marble Mortar	1. -.-
2 Grid Irons & other Irons	-. 8. -
3 pr Candlesticks & Snuffers	1. 2. 6
4 pr old Candlesticks	.10. -
2 Doz knives & forks	1.10. -
1 doz Small patty pans	-. 3. -
3 brass Candlesticks	-. 2. 6
5 Spitts	-.17. 6
The Iron-work in the Kitchen Chimney	3. -. -
2 pr pott hooks	-. 4. -
2 Iron Potts with C C 1½	-. 8. 3
3 Ladles & Scewers	-. 8. -
1 Iron Kettle 21 l	-. 7. -
1 Turn Dish & Turn Plate	-. 7. 6
1 Choppin knife	-. 4. -
3 frying pans	-. 3. -
To Sundry Goods Kitchen Shed	1. 8. -
To Do	1. 7. 6
Knives & forks Old	-. 3. -
Su & her four Children	85. -. -
Mary	25. -. -
Jenny	35. -. -
Billy	15. -. -
Nan	5. -. -
Tom Brumfield	6. -. -
Joseph Wattle	3. -. -
total	£ 903. 6. 1
3 Hoggs in Town	1. 5. -
	904.11. 1

Appendix p. xii

"IN OBEDIENCE to two Orders of York Court bearing Date December 16th & Janry 2d 1717 [/18]. Wee the Subscribers having met at the House of John Marrott in Williamsburgh decd & being first Sworn have appraised the Estate of John Marrott decd which was brought before us by Mrs. Ann Marott Execrx January 29th 1717 [/18].

[signed] Benjn Weldon
James Hubard
"Anne A Morrott [sic] Henry Cary junr"

"At a Court held for York County March 17th 1717 [/18]

"Ann Sullivant Execrx of the Estate of John Marott deed presented an Inventory & appraisement of the sd Estate in Court which is admitted to Record.
Test. Phi: Lightfoot Cl Cur:"

"At a Court held for York County December the 15th 1718. ¹

"A further Inventory of the Estate of Jno Marot deced was Exhibited in Court by the Execrx & admitted to record.
"December the 15th 1718.²

"A further Inventory of the Estate of John Marot deced
28 oz Plate
1 Cross cutt Saw
Some paving Stones as they are appraised.
Ann Sullivant
At a Court held for York County Dear 15th 1718."

JAMES SHIELDS

James Shields (sometimes spelled Shels, Shells), a tailor, was living in the York County portion of Williamsburg in February, 1707, when he petitioned the York County Court for a "Lycence to keep Ordinary at his Dwelling house in ye City of Wmsburgh in this County for ye Ensueing Year."¹ He owned two adjoining lots on the South side of Duke of Gloucester Street at that time; for in May, 1707, he and his wife Hannah sold lot #24 "together with one good dwelling house thereon built" to William Byrd of Charles City County for £121.² He was described in the deed of sale as being "of ye County of York in Virgil, Taylor." He must have moved into the James City County portion of Williamsburg shortly thereafter, for in January, 1708, when he sold the adjoining lot, #25, with "all Houses, Edifices," to John Marot for £50, he was described in the deed as being "of the County of James City Taylor."³ As we have found no further petitions from James Shields for ordinary licenses in the York County Records (and such licence had to be renewed yearly), it is probable that after 1707, and as for long as he kept an ordinary, he applied to the James City County Court for his licence. Unfortunately, these court records have been destroyed.

In 1714, James Shields presented a claim to the York County Court of Public Claims for "accomodateing diverse Indians & other persons five hundred Seventy two days" by order from the Governor. This claim was certified to the Assembly for allowance.⁴ In 1715 his claim "for dieting and Accomodating the Three Interpreters who Attended the Indians upon the Publick Service" was considered by the Council and the House of Burgesses, and it was ordered that the charge be defrayed out of the salaries paid the interpreters.⁵

In August, 1715, "A Commission from the Governor [Spotswood] to Mr James Shields to be Messenger to the House was Read" in the House of Burgesses.⁶

Shields succeeded John Broadnax, deceased, in the fall of 1720 as keeper of the Public Gaol.⁷ In November, 1720, he petitioned the Assembly to make the gaol more commodious and to build a house "adjoyning to the Same for the Keeper thereof."⁸ His petition was rejected at that time; but in 1722 a bill was passed "for making the Public prisons more convenient and for Appendix p. xiv building a house for the Keeper thereof."¹ Shields continued as keeper until 1727, when his death was recorded in the Bruton Parish records.²

James Shields' written on July 2 and recorded in York County Court (for he was again in York County when he lived in the keeper's house at the Gaol), on July 17, 1727, mentioned his "loving wife Hannah," his three sons, James Mathew, and William, and two daughters, Elizabeth Vaughan and Mary Cobbs.³ He left his wife the free use and occupation of all his lands, tenements, and slaves during her natural life, provided she remained a widow. He left James his plantation purchased of Captain William Timson, with the lands adjoining it "recently purchased" from John and James Taylor, in Bruton Parish, York County. To his son Mathew, he left his dwelling house in Williamsburg with the lot on which it stood "on the North side of the street Where my lots lye." William was left two lots "with the houses thereon lying on the South side of the said street." He left his two daughters five pounds each "in money or goods at the discretion of my said wife."

The inventory of Shields' personal estate was filed by his wife Hannah on August 21, 1727 - listing his negroes, cattle, and household goods.⁴ His possessions included 5 feather beds and furniture, 14 pair of sheets, 16 table cloths and 2 dozen and 3 napkins, 2 dozen and 2 towels, 4 breakfast cloths, 2 chests of drawers, 1 desk, 5 chests, 3 corner cupboards, 3 looking glasses, 18 chairs, 12 dozen silver spoons, silver soup ladle, knives and forks, some books, "3 delph punch bowls," china dishes, plates, etc., pewter dishes etc., kitchen and pantry equipment, beer and cyder casks, tools, 1 pair of pistols, a sword, 3 men's saddles and 4 sets of horse harness, "1 Tumbrill and Wheels," 1 pair tailor's shears, a pressing iron, and many other items.

His son James,⁵ by a second marriage to Anne Marot Ingles, daughter of John Marot and widow of James Ingles, came into possession of the house and lot (#25) which James and Hannah Shields sold to John Marot in January, 1708 - which property is the subject of this report.

WILLIAM BYRD II

William Byrd, planter, author, and colonial official, was born in Virginia on March 28, 1674, son of William and Mary (Horsmanden) Byrd.¹ His father, the oldest son of John Byrd, a London goldsmith, came to Virginia as a young man, and acquired lands on both sides of the James River at about the present site of Richmond. He moved to "Westover," in Charles City County, ca: 1691.²

William Byrd II attended grammar school in Ragland, studied law at Middle Temple 1692-1695, and was called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1695.³ He returned to Virginia in 1696 and sat as a member of the House of Burgesses, representing Henrico County, in September of that year.⁴ However, he was back in England in 1698, where he was appointed agent for the Colony in October, 1698.⁵

After his father's death on December 4, 1704, Byrd returned to Virginia and succeeded his father as "Auditor & Receiver of her Majesty's Revenue" for the Colony in August, 1705, his commission from her Majesty corroborating this appointment being dated October 19, 1705.⁶ He was appointed a member of the Council, and as such a Judge of the General Court, "by her Majestys letter bearing date the 20th day of August 1708" and took his oath of office on September 12, 1709.⁷ He remained a member of the Council the rest of his life, although he spent a number of years in England, and an attempt was made to remove him in 1719, because of his long absence from the Colony. He was president of the Council at the time of his death in 1744.

Byrd married Lucy Parke, daughter of Daniel Parke, of York County, Virginia, on May 4, 1706, and they lived at "Westover," in Charles City County, the plantation Byrd inherited from his father, where their two children, Evelyn and Wilhemina, were born. Byrd went to England in 1715 to attend to business there and gave up his position as Auditor and Receiver General in 1716.¹⁰ His wife joined him during-the year 1716. After a brief season of pleasure in London, Lucy Parke Byrd died of smallpox on November 21, 1716. Byrd remained Appendix p. xvi in London for a number of years - his daughter Evelyn joining him in 1717 and little Wilhemina being brought over in 1719. For the next few years, his main concern was the quest for a wife.¹ He was agent for the Colony in London and lived a lively social life. He returned to Virginia for a brief time in 1720, leaving his daughters in London, but was back in London in 1721.² He married an heiress, Maria Taylor, daughter of Thomas Taylor of Kensington, on May 9, 1724.³ In 1726, Byrd and his family left England for the last time, returning to "Westover" in Virginia. He built the brick house which now stands at "Westover" about 1735.⁴ As has been noted, he had two daughters by his first marriage: Evelyn, who died unmarried in 1737, and Wilhemina, who married Thomas Chamberlayne. By Maria Taylor Byrd he had Anne, born in London, 1725, who married Charles Carter of "Cleve"; Maria, born in 1727, who married Landon Carter of "Sabine Hall"; William Byrd III, b. Sept. 6, 1728-d. January 1, 1771, who inherited "Westover," and married 1st Elizabeth Hill Carter of "Shirley," and 2nd, Mary Willing of Philadelphia; and Jane, born 1729, mho married John Page of "North End."⁵

Besides being a member of the Council, and attending the Council and General Courts at Williamsburg, Byrd was one of the commissioners to run the dividing line between Virginia and North Carolina in 1728. In 1736 he surveyed the bounds of the Northern Neck of Virginia. Besides innumerable shorter writings, Byrd wrote "The History of the Dividing Line," "A Journey to the Land of Eden," and "Progress to the Mines," all first published as The Westover Manuscripts in 1841. He was a Fellow of the Royal Society.⁶--Byrd died on August 26, 1744, and was buried in his garden at "Westover," where his tombstone, with its detailed epitaph, may still be seen.⁷

BYRD'S REFERENCES TO THE "COFFEEHOUSE" AND "MAROT'S"

p. 50 - June 20, 1709] "... I dined at Mr. Bland's and ate beans and bacon for dinner. In the evening I sent for Mr. Clayton from the coffee-house, to whom I gave a bottle of white wine. I did not go to see the President but sent for some letters he had of mine by Johnny Blair. ..."

p. 98 - Oct. 27, 1709] "... We went to court and sat till 4 o'clock. Then we went to dinner and I ate boiled beef for my dinner. In the evening we played at cards and I won £5. We drank some of Will Robinson's cider till we were very merry and then went to the coffeehouse and pulled poor Colonel Churchill [Col. William Churchill of Middlesex Co. a member of the Council] out of bed. I went home about one o'clock in the morning. ..."

p. 99 - Oct. 30, 1709] "After church I went to Mr. Blair's to dinner with all the Council in attendance. ... About 5 o'clock we returned home and then went to the coffeehouse where we sat an hour and then went home..."

p. 101 - Nov. 1, 1709 "... About 11 o'clock I went to Williamsburg [from Green Spring] and about 12 took my place in court. I sat there till about 4...about 5 o'clock we went to dinner... Then the President took us home to his house, where I played at cards and won 35 shillings. We we= very merry and in that condition went to the coffeehouse and again disturbed Colonel Churchill. About 11 o'clock I went home..."

p. 161 - April 5, 1710] [at home "Westover"] "... I settled accounts with Mr. Bland... I had abundance of discourse with Mr. Bland concerning our store at Williamsburg. ..."

p. 241 - Oct. 9, 1710] "... I got on horseback about 7 and proceeded to Williamsburg where I arrived about 12. About one I went to wait on the Governor. In the afternoon we drank a bottle of claret and then we took leave of the Governor and went to the coffeehouse where after we had settled some accounts of the naval officers we played at cards till 11 o'clock. Then I went to my lodgings..."

p. 245 - Oct. 20, 1710] [arrived in Williamsburg on Oct. 16]. "... Then I went to court and gave my judgment in several cases. About one o'clock I took some sage and snake-root. Then I returned into court again and there we sat till 3. Then I wrote a letter to my wife and after that we went to dinner... Then I went to the coffeehouse, where I played at hazard [fn. a game of dice] and lost £7 and returned home very peaceful. ..."

p. 247 - Oct. 23, 1710] "... Then we went to court. I sat a little while and then returned to my lodgings and prepared my public accounts and continued at them till 3 o'clock. Then I went to C-t to dinner... Then Colonel Duke and I took a walk and then went to the coffeehouse. There I stayed till 7 O'clock and went home and wrote a letter to England. ..."

p. 247 - Oct. 24, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock I went to Council where the Governor read his speech to us and about 11 we went to court and [sat] till one. ... About 3 o'clock we went to dinner. Then I went to the coffeehouse where I saw Captain Robinson [Tancred Robinson commanded the man-of-war Deptford tin which Spotswood came to Virginia] and a [lieutenant] of the marines.] I went with them to the Governor's where we supped and played at cards till 10 o'clock. Then I returned to my lodgings..."

p. 24 - Oct. 26, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock we went to court and from thence to Council... Then we went to court, where we sat till 4 and then went to dinner. I ate boiled beef. Then I went to the coffeehouse and from thence home. ..."

pp. 248-9 - Oct. 27, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to court, where we sat till 4 o'clock; then we went to Council for half an hour. I went to dine at the Governor's... After dinner we drank a bottle of wine and then took our leave. I went to the coffeehouse where I found several of the Council playing at dice and I played with them and won 40 shillings. Then I went home, where I wrote 2 letters to my overseers..."

p. 249 - Oct. 29, 1710] "... I went to church about 11 o'clock... Then Colonel Duke and I went to Mr. Commissary's [Blair's] to dinner and Mr. Hamilton the general postmaster with us. ... About 5 o'clock we took our leave and walked to the coffeehouse where I drank two dishes of tea. Here I sat till 8 o'clock and then returned to my chambers where I read some verses of the Commissary's making..."

pp. 250-1 - Oct. 31, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock Mr. Bland came to see me. Then we went to court where we sat about two hours and then went to Council and then back again to the court, where we sat till 4 o'clock. Then we went to dinner and I ate turkey. Then Colonel Lewis and I walked to see the Governor's house and then went to the President's where we played at cards and I lost 35 shillings. I wrote a letter to Colonel Hunter... Then several of us went to the coffeehouse where we played at hazard and I won 23 shillings. I wrote a letter to my wife. I did not come home till 11 o'clock; ..."

p. 252 - Nov. 1, 1710] "... About 8 o'clock I went to see Mr. Hamilton at Marot's [Jean Marot came to Virginia in 1700 and in 1704 was secretary to Byrd's father at Westover. In 1705 he opened an ordinary in Williamsburg. fn.] and went with him to the Governor's where we ate bread and butter and drank tea. About 9 o'clock I came to court where we sat till 4 ... We went to the Council for half an hour and then Colonel Carter and I dined at the Governor's... Then we drank three bottles of French wine. It rained very hard so that we went home about 8 0 o'clock in the Governor's coach and Colonel Carter set Colonel [Gavin] Corbin and me down at the coffeehouse where we made Colonel Digger treat us. ..."

p. 252 - Nov. 2, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to court where we sat till about 12... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... Then I took a little walk with Colonel Duke and then came to the coffeehouse, where I sat till 8 o'clock and then returned to my lodgings. Soon after I went from the coffeehouse there happened a quarrel between Colonel Smith and Mr. Holloway, but Mr. Holloway seemed to be in the wrong. …"

p. 253 - Nov. 3, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock I went to court and we sat till one o'clock and then adjourned because... I dined with the Governor and ate fish... About --- o'clock we went to the coffeehouse where I stayed about an hour and then went home. ..." [Left Williamsburg the next day.]

p. 255 - Nov. 8, 1710] "I rose about 6 o'clock and prepared for my journey to Williamsburg. ... got to Williamsburg about 12. ... About 3 o'clock I went to the Governor's where I dined and ate fish. Here I stayed till about 8 and then went to the coffeehouse where I played at cards till about 9, when the Doctor and the President came. We drank out Colonel Digges' brandy and were merry till 12 o'clock. Then I went home to bed. ..."

p. 255 - Nov. 9, 1710] "... Several gentlemen came to visit me and I settled some accounts with some of them. About 11 o'clock I went to the coffee-house and from thence to the capitol. Then we went into Councill. We continued there till 4 o'clock and then went to dinner... After that Colonel Smith and I walked to see the Governor's house and visited Mr. Cary. In an hour we returned to the coffeehouse where we played at cards and I won [18] shillings. I ate some bread and butter for supper. ..."

p. 256 - Nov. 10, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to see the Governor and drank tea with him... About 12 o'clock we came to the capitol and went into the Council... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... Then we went to the coffeehouse where I lost 40 shillings at cards and dice. ..."

p. 256 - Nov. 11, 1710] "... About 12 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse and found several gentlemen there that got me to cards till about 2 o'clock and then I went with Colonel Digges in his chaise with the Doctor and several others to Colonel Digges his house where we went to supper about 6 o'clock. ... Then we played at cards and dice till about 10 o'clock ..."

pp. 256-7 - Nov. 14, 1710] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the capitol and Mr. Jacquelin sent me 24 oranges. We had several disputes in Council concerning the coin ... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... In the evening I took a walk about the town and then went to the coffeehouse and played at cards and lost 30 shillings. About 11 o'clock I returned to my lodgings..."

p. 258 - Nov. 15, 1710] "... I went to court about 11 o'clock... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... Then we went to the coffeehouse where I wrote a sham letter to Dr. Cooke under the name of Mary F-x. Soon after he came and the letter was delivered to him. Then we played at cards and I lost 10 shillings. About 9 o'clock I came home..."

p. 258 - Nov. 16, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock I went to prepare the bill about the money... About 12 o'clock we went to Council... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... Then I took a long walk without the town and returned to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and lost £3 to Colonel Smith. About 9 o'clock I went home..."

p. 259 - Nov. 17, 1710] "... About 1 o'clock I went to the capitol... We sat till about 4 and then I waited on the Governor to dinner. ... About 8 o'clock we went to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and lost 40 shillings. ... About 11 o'clock I returned to my lodgings..."

p. 259 - Nov. 18, 1710] "... About 12 o'clock we came to the capitol and sent the money bill and the hogshead bill to the House of Burgesses with amendments. About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... In the evening I went to see Colonel Duke, who was sick of a fever. Then we went to the coffeehouse where we stayed about two hours and then went home. ..."

pp. 259-60 - Nov. 19, 1710] "... About 11 o'clock I walked to church but came there too soon. ... After church Colonel Harrison took Colonel Carter and me to dine at Mr. Blair's where I ate boiled beef for dinner. In the afternoon we walked to church again to hear Mr. Blair preach Mr. Whatley's funeral sermon... After this ceremony was over we walked to the coffeehouse, where we stayed the rest of the evening. About 11 o'clock I went home..."

p. 260 - Nov. 20, 1710] "... I ate some toast and cider with Colonel Carter at Marot's. About I o'clock we went to the capitol where we did very little. About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... In the evening I went to see Colonel Duke who was much better... Then I went to the coffeehouse and played at cards till 12 o'clock. ..."

p. 260-1 - Nov. 21, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to court... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... In the evening I took a walk and returned in an hour to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and lost my money and went home about 9 o'clock and wrote some verses on the House of Burgesses. ..."

p. 261 - Nov. 22, 1710] "... I went to court about 10... We did very little business and about 4 went to dinner... In the evening I walked for half an hour and then came to the coffeehouse and lost 40 shillings. About 9 I went home..."

pp. 261-2 - Nov. 23, 1710] "... about 10 I went to the coffeehouse and from thence to the capitol. ... About 4 o'clock.Colonel Carter and I went to dine, with the Governor... We drank two bottles of claret and then went to the coffeehouse where I stayed about an hour and then went home..."

p. 262 - Nov. 24, 1710] "... Then I went to court where we did some business. ... About 4 o'clock we went to dinner... Then we went to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and I lost my money but was diverted to see some of the burgesses so concerned at the lampoon. About 10 o'clock I went home..."

p. 263 - Nov. 26, 1710] "... I wrote several things till about two o'clock and then went to Marot's to dinner with the burgesses. I ate roast goose for dinner. In the afternoon we sat and drank a bottle of cider till Appendix p. xxi about 5 o'clock and then adjourned to the coffeehouse. Before we had been there long, in came George Mason [burgess for Stafford County and grandfather of George Mason of the Revolution] very drunk and told me before all the company that it was I that wrote the lampoon and that Will Robinson dropped it. I put it off as well as I could but it was all in vain for he swore it. About 9 o'clock I went home..."

p. 263 - Nov. 27, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse where I found several of the Council and from thence to the capitol where we read several taxes... It rained again all day... About 4 o'clock five of the Council went to dine at the Governor's where I ate boiled beef. In the evening we went to cards and I won 10 shillings. We stayed till 10 o'clock and then the President's coach carried us to the coffeehouse where I stayed about half an hour and then returned home..."

p. 264 - Nov. 28, 1710] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the capitol where we dispatches some business... About 3 o'clock Colonel Digges and I dined with the Governor... In the evening we drank a bottle of wine till 9 o'clock and then I went to the coffeehouse where I stayed half an hour and then returned home..."
[His wife came to town and he did not visit the coffeehouse for several days.]

p. 267 - Dec. 4, 1710] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the capitol and I learned by Colonel Ludwell that my wife stayed at Green Springs this day... About 4 o'clock we all went to dine at the Governor's... We stayed till about 8 o'clock and went to the coffeehouse where we played at cards and I won about £4. It was one o'clock before I got to bed..."

pp. 267-8 - Dec. 5, 1710] "... About 11 I went to the capitol where we stayed till 4 o'clock and my address [for the Governor] was read and approved by the Council... went to dinner at C-t ... Then we went to the coffee-house where we played at cards and I won 20 shillings. About 10 o'clock I returned home..."

p. 268 - Dec. 6, 1710] "... About 9 o'clock I went with Mr. Eppes to the Governor's and drank chocolate. We stayed there till 10 and then I went to the Capitol where we did a great deal of business till about 4 o'clock and then I and the Commissary went and dined with the Governor... We drank a bottle after dinner till about 8 o'clock and then went to the Coffeehouse where I stayed talking till about 10 with several gentlemen..."

p. 269 - Dec. 8, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol where I wrote a letter to my wife. ... About 3 o'clock we went home with the Governor but the servants were out of the way... In the evening we drank a bottle till about 9... From thence we went to the coffeehouse where I lost 40 shillings at cards. About 12 o'clock I went home..."

p. 269 - Dec. 9, 1710] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol where I met Mr. Holloway and reasoned with him about his accounts... The Governor prorogued the Assembly till April. Then a particular company of us went to dine at the French ordinary where I ate some fish for dinner. We were exceedingly merry and stayed there till about 7 o'clock and then rode to Williamsburg. We stayed at the coffeehouse till 10 o'clock and then I went home. ..."

pp. 270-1 - Dec. 12, 1710] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse where I found several gentlemen of the Council. Prom thence we went to the Court of Oyer and Terminer and adjourned as soon as we had sworn the jury and went to dine at the Governor's..."
[Left for "Westover" on the 14th]

p.-330 - April 16, 1711] "... I rose about 6 o'clock... I prepared for my journey to Williamsburg. ... rode to Williamsburg where we arrived about 11 o'clock. I set myself in order and then went to court. ... The court rose about 2 o'clock. We stayed at the coffeehouse till 4 o'clock and then went and dined with the Governor. ..."

p. 331 - April 18, 1711] "... About 10 we went to court where we sat till about 3 o'clock... I went with some of my brothers to dine with the Governor... About 5 o'clock we went away and took a walk to the new house [Palace] and from thence went to the coffeehouse. There came several of the [courteous] young men and we went to gaming and I won five pounds. We played till about 10 o'clock and then I went to my lodgings..."

p. 332 - April 20, 1711] "... At night I walked to the coffeehouse and drank two dishes of tea. Then I returned to my lodgings..."

p. 335 - April 25, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to Council ... About noon we went to court and sat till about 4 o'clock and then the governors of the College met... Colonel Smith and I dined at Marot's and I ate roast beef. I went about 11 o'clock home..."

p. 336 - April 27, 1711] "... About 6 o'clock the Council rose and I went to dinner with the Governor where I ate boiled beef... At night I went to the coffeehouse where I stayed about an hour and then went to my lodgings..."

p. 336 - April 28, 1711] "... read nothing because we were to go by 7 o'clock to Council... I dined with the Governor and ate salt fish for dinner. ... I took leave of the Governor and Mrs. Russell and then took a walk and afterwards went to the coffeehouse where I took leave of more of my friends and then went to my lodgings..."

p. 359 - June 13, 1711] [Arrived in Williamsburg on 11th of June] "... I rose -about 6 o'clock and read nothing because of going to court early. However I ate my milk first and then went to the coffeehouse and got my papers together and went to court where one of the prisoners was burnt in the hand and the other ordered to the whip. Then we went to council where several things were debated... Then we had a meeting of the directors of the town and agreed to build a market place to which we all contributed. About 4 o'clock we went to dine with the Governor..."

p. 379 - July 25, 1711] [Arrived on July 23] "... Several gentlemen came to see me, and I did business with Mr. Bland and others. About 11 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse and ate some bread and butter and drank some tea till my room was put in order. Then I returned and wrote more letters.... till about 2 o'clock and then I went to the Governor's to dinner..."

p. 379 - July 26, 1711] "... About 8 o'clock I ate some milk and baked pears for breakfast... About 11 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse and drank some tea and ate bread and butter till 12. ... about 2 o'clock went to the Governor's to dinner... After dinner I went to my lodgings... I went to see Mrs. Bland and from thence to the coffeehouse where I drank some tea and about 9 went home to bed..."

p. 379 - July 27, 1711] "...at 11 I went to the coffeehouse and made my second breakfast of tea an bread and butter. Then I returned to my lodgings and had several persons come to see me..."

p. 380 - [went home on 28th]

p. 408 - Sept. 20, 1711] [arrived on 18th] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse but before I went I gave [Harry - sic] four great pomegranates for the Governor which grew at Westover. Mr. Holloway was better this day. About 1 o'clock we went to dinner at the coffeehouse and I ate a fricassee of chicken for dinner. In the afternoon we played at piquet till the evening and then Mr. Robinson and I took a walk to the new house [Palace]..." [left on 22nd.]

p. 426 - Oct. 23, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I took leave of my wife and daughter...it rained all the way I rode to Williamsburg where I got about 3 o'clock pretty wet. Then I got ready to go to court that I might not lose my day... We sat in court till about 5 o'clock and then the Governor took me home to dinner... About 8 o'clock we went to the coffeehouse where I played and won 50 shillings. About 10 I went to my lodgings..."

p. 427 - Oct. 24, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to court where I sat diligently till noon About 8 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse where I fell to playing with some of the young men and won £9. About 10 o'clock I went to my lodgings. ..."

p. 427 - Oct. 25, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to court and heard several cases... About noon I returned to my chambers... and then went into court again and we sat till it was dark and then I went home again with the Governor because the rest of the Council sneaked away in the dark. ... About 8 we went to the coffeehouse and got Mr. Graeme with us. We played at whist and I lost 5 shillings. About 10 o'clock I went to my lodgings..."

p. 428 - Oct. 26, 1711] "...about 9 o'clock went into court, where I sat till noon and then went up stairs and wrote in my journal... we sat till about 5 o'clock and then I slipped away lest the Governor should ask me again to dine with him. Several of us went to dine at Marot's, where I ate a good fricassee of chicken, and drank Virginia wine that was [tolerable] When dinner was over we went to the coffeehouse and played at cards and I lost 5 shillings. About 10 o'clock I went to my lodgings..."

p. 429 - Oct. 29, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to wait on the Governor but he was not at home and I walked after him to the new house and found him there and saw several of the Governor's contrivances, and particularly that for hanging the arms. About 11 o'clock I came with the Appendix p. xxiv Governor to court where we sat till about 3... I returned to court where we stayed till about 5 and then I went home with the Governor and ate venison for dinner and then drank a bottle till 8 o'clock. Then we went to the coffeehouse, where we played at cards till 10 and I won 25 shillings. Then I returned home..."

p. 429 - Oct. 30, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock I went to court where I sat till about 2 and then went up stairs...and wrote a letter to England. Then I returned into court where we sat till about 5. Then I went with the Governor to dinner... I ate venison pastry for dinner and then we drank a bottle till 8 o'clock. Afterwards we went to the coffeehouse where I played at piquet and won 5 shillings. In the evening Colonel Smith and Colonel Carter were at Marot's and somebody cast a brick from the street into the room which narrowly missed Colonel Carter. I went home about 10 o'clock..."

p. 430 - Oct. 31, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock I went to court where I sat till about 3... About 4 I returned to court and we sat till past 5. Then we went to dine at Marot's and I ate roast veal for dinner. About 8 o'clock we went to the coffeehouse and I had not been there half an hour before Eugene came and told me that my wife was at my lodgings. I instantly went home..."

p. 432 - Nov. 3, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol to write a letter...and my wife went to see her sister. ... About 5 o'clock I returned to my lodgings...and because Mrs. Churchill and Mrs. Beverley were at Colonel Carter's lodgings I went there and found the Colonel with the President end Mr. Clayton almost drunk. ... Then I went to the coffeehouse and had the misfortune to affront the President with-out saying anything to provoke a reasonable man. After that we went to [play] and I won £18 and got home before 11 o'clock..."

p. 433 - Nov. 6, 1711] "... About 11 o'clock I went to the capitol... I stayed and wrote at the capitol till about 5 o'clock because it rained so hard that I could not get away. However at last I ran through it to the coffeehouse, where I sat an hour before anybody came. At last came Mr. Clayton from York but had no news. Soon after came Mr. Robinson and he played at piquet with me and we neither won nor lost. About 10 I went to my lodgings..."

p. 434 - Nov. 7, 1711] "... About 10 I caused my secretary to be brought to my lodgings from the capitol. The wind blew very hard at northwest so that my wife and her company could not come from Gloucester... About 3 o'clock I went to the capitol and wrote letters to England... About 5 o'clock Mr. Clayton came to me and told me my wife and the other gentlewomen were returned from Gloucester and were at my lodgings. I went to them and gave them some victuals and a bottle of wine from Marot's. My sister Custis and Mrs. Dunn went to Queen's Creek and my wife went to bed and I went to the coffeehouse where I won 5 shillings and stayed till 9 o'clock..."

p. 434 - Nov. 8, 1711] "... About 9 we went to the Governor's who showed me his speech... I drank some tea till about 11 then went in the Governor's coach to the capitol where he made his speech to the Council and Appendix p. xxv and Burgesses... About 2 o'clock I dined with the Council at Marot's and ate mutton for dinner. ... I took a walk to see the College and Governor's house and in the evening returned to the coffeehouse where we played at cards and I won 20 shillings. I returned home about 10 o' clock..."

p. 435 - Nov. 9, 1711] "... I went to prayers with the Burgesses and then we met as upper House but did nothing more than adjourn. ... About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I ate roast veal for dinner. In the afternoon we went to the [? sic] coffeehouse where we fell into gaming and I won about £8 in all at piquet and dice. About 10 o'clock I returned to my lodgings..."

PP. 435-6 - Nov. 10, 1711] "...went to the capitol where I...wrote several things and stayed there till 4 o'clock, and then took a walk. About 5 I went to Mr. Bland's... At night I went to the coffeehouse where came some other gentlemen. I played at cards and won 5 shillings. Then I went to my lodgings... At the coffeehouse I ate some chicken pie and drank a bottle of the President's wine."

[Left Williamsburg on 11th]

p. 437 - Nov. 14, 1711] "...we took our leave and were set over the creek and proceeded on our journey and about 3 o'clock we got to Green Springs but neither the Colonel nor his lady were at home and therefore... went on to Williamsburg where we got about 5. I dressed myself and went to Colonel Bray's [probably marriage of Angelica Bray to Llewellyn Eppes] where the wedding had been kept and found abundance of company there. I dined and ate some chicken pie and then we went to dancing... we went away before 10 o'clock to the coffee-house where I won 5 shillings of the President."

p. 438 - Nov. 15, 1711] "... About 10 Colonel Ludwell came to my lodgings. He stayed about half an hour and then we went to the capitol where...I wrote in my journal. Then I went into council where our address to the Governor was read and Colonel Lewis and myself were ordered to wait on the Governor to know where and when the council should wait on him with it and I walked him so fast that when he came there he could hardly speak. The Governor gave us some strong water to warm us and then we returned. About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I won 5 shillings. I went home about 9 o'clock..."

p. 438 - Nov. 16, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I went to the Governor's where I stayed about an hour and then to the capitol... About 11 the Governor came and the President read our address to him with an indifferent grace. About 2 o'clock we dined at Marot's and I ate some fish for dinner.."

p. 439 - Nov. 17, 1711] "... About I o'clock I went again to the capitol...and wrote in my journal. ... After which I took a walk round the town till about 5 o'clock, and then went to the coffeehouse and won 5 shillings of the President. About 9 I went to my lodgings..."

p. 440 - Nov. 20, 1711] "... About 9 o'clock I took leave and rode to Williams-burg [from Queen's Creek] where I found my man Tom with a letter from home... Then I went to the capitol and read some bills. The Governor was there. We sat till two o'clock and I went to dinner at the Governor's... About 4 we went away and I went and wrote in my journal... went to the coffeehouse where I won of Dr. Cooke 45 shillings at picquet. About 12 o'clock I went home..."

p. 441 - Nov. 21, 1711] "... Then I went to the capitol... Then I went down to the Council and read some law and the Governor came among us and stayed about an hour. About 2 o'clock we rose and went to dinner and I ate fish. Then Colonel Smith and I played at billiards... Then we took a walk and afterwards went to the coffeehouse and played at whisk but lost 15 shillings. Then we played at dice and after losing £10 I recovered my money and won £8 [by holding in 13 hands together]. About 12 o'clock we drank a bottle of wine and then went home. ..."

p. 442 - Nov. 23, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol... It was very cold this morning. About 11 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse where the Governor also came and from thence we went to the capitol and read the bill concerning ports the first time. We stayed till 3 o'clock and then went to dinner at Marot's but could get none there and therefore Colonel Lewis and I dined with Colonel Duke... After dinner we went to Colonel Carter's room where we had a bowl of punch of French brandy and oranges. We talked very lewdly and were almost drunk and in that condition we went to the coffeehouse and played at dice and I lost £12. We stayed at the coffeehouse till almost 4 o'clock in the morning... Then I went to my lodging..."

p. 442 - Nov. 24, 1711] "I rose about 8 o'clock... Colonel Carter and several others came to my lodgings to laugh at me for my disorder last night. About 10 I went to the coffeehouse and drank some tea and then we went to the President's and read the law about probate and administration. Then I went to the capitol and danced my dance and wrote in my journal and read Italian. This day I make a solemn resolution never at once to lose more than 50 shillings and to spend less time in gaming... Then I took a walk, notwithstanding I had a good cold on me and the weather was also very cold. Then went to the coffeehouse but returned to my lodgings about 5 o'clock and wrote two letters to England..."

p. 443 - Nov. 26, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock we took leave [at Queen's Creek] and went to Williamsburg but there we did not meet to do business till almost 2 o'clock because we had not enough in town... In the evening we went to the coffeehouse where I received a letter from Mr. Perry and an account of £5 a hogshead for tobacco. About 9 o'clock I went to my lodgings..."

p. 444 - Nov. 27, 1711] "... The weather was very cold and threatened snow... We sat at the President's house where we had a good fire. ... We read several bills and the Governor came to us and made his exceptions to some clauses... We sat till about 4 o'clock and then went to dinner... In the evening we went to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and won 25 shillings. About 9 I returned to my lodgings..."

p. 445 - Nov. 28, 1711] "... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol where I wrote in my journal and danced my dance, and then went to the coffeehouse where I found several of the council but not ready to go to council, and so some of us took a walk to the Governor's house where we found the Governor looking over the workmen. It was exceedingly cold. Then we returned to the President's lodgings where we read some bills and afterwards adjourned to the capitol where the House of Burgesses brought an address to the Governor..."

p. 445 - Nov. 29, 1711] "... About 9 I went to the Governor but he was so busy nobody could speak with him. Then I returned to the coffeehouse where I ate some toast and butter and drank milk tea on it. ... About 10 o'clock I went to the capitol...and wrote in my journal and then went to the President's lodgings, with the rest of the Council... In the evening I went home... Then I went to the coffeehouse where I played at cards and won [...] shillings. Then I returned to my lodgings. [Left for Westover on 30th.]

p. 474 - Jan 24, 1712] "... About 12 o'clock I and my brother went to town [from Queen's Creek] and lighted at my lodgings. Then I went to the coffeehouse where I found Mr. Clayton and he and I went to the Governor. ... At last several of the council came in and paid their compliments to the Governor, who invited us to dinner... We stayed till it was dark and then went to the coffeehouse where I stayed till 10 o'clock and then went home to my lodgings. ..."

p. 474 - Jan. 25, 1712] "... We had nothing to do but meet in order to adjourn and the Burgesses did little else... The weather was very cold and much snow on the ground, so that I went with boots. About 2 o'clock Colonel Smith and I went to the Governor's to dinner... We stayed there till about 7 o'clock and then went to the coffeehouse, where I lost £2 at piquet. About 10 I went to my lodgings..."

p. 475 - Jan. 26, 1712] "...[I] had several people come to my lodgings. ... About 3 o'clock we dined at Mrs. [Serjanton's] and I ate roast chicken for dinner but we were forced to dine in the kitchen but however it was very good and we made a shift to be very merry... In the evening we went to the coffeehouse where I lost £6 at piquet. ..."

p. 475-6 - Jan. 27, 1712] "...we walked to church... After, we went home with the Commissary to dinner and I ate some roast goose... We were well entertained both with victuals and company till about 5 o'clock and then walked to the coffeehouse where we talked till about 8 o'clock and then I went home..."

p. 476 - Jan. 28, 1712] "... I had several gentlemen at my chambers. ... I settled several accounts and then went to the capitol... The weather was clear and cold. We dined at 2 o'clock this day because the Governor was to come at 3 o'clock to make a speech to the Burgesses... The Governor made a very long speech... When that was done we went to the coffeehouse where the governors of the College were to meet about several matters... They agreed to give Mr. Tullitt £400 to build up the College hall. Then we played at piquet and I lost £7. About 10 I went home..."

p. 477 - Jan. 29, 1712] "About 12 o'clock I went to the capitol... We met just to adjourn and then went to dinner... In the afternoon I took a walk to the Governor's new house and so returned to the coffee-house where we played at dice and I played with good luck and won 50 shillings clear... About 10 I went home..."

p. 477 - Jan. 30, 1712] "...The Governor went to church but I did not because I heard of it too late but went to the coffeehouse where I played at piquet and won 50 shillings. Then I went to the capitol... After dinner I took a walk to the College and the Governor's great house and then returned to the coffeehouse where I stayed about an hour and then went to my lodgings..."

pp. 477-8 - Jan. 31, 1712] "... About 10 o'clock our doorkeeper came to me and told me that the Governor was going to the capitol with the Council... I went to the capitol where I found the Governor... I went home with the Governor in his coach to dine with him... Several of the Burgesses came after dinner to take leave of the Governor and about 5 o'clock I took my leave and went to the coffeehouse where I layed till about 2 o'clock in the morning and neither won or lost..." [Left next day.]

p. 488 - Feb. 20, 1712] "...we all went [from Queen's Creek to Williamsburg] together. When I had put myself in order I went with several gentle-men of the Council to wait on the Governor but he was not at home. ... Then we returned to the capitol to Council where the Governor laid before us a petition from the people of Carolina... I ate some beaver for dinner at the Governor's and about 8 o'clock we went to the coffee-house where I played at cards till 2 o'clock in the morning and I won 27 shillings..."
[Left the next day.]

p. 508 - March 31, 1712] "...we proceeded to Williamsburg and found the governors of the College sitting... Then we went to the coffeehouse and I ate some cold roast beef and Will Robinson gave me a bottle of wine. Then he and I played at piquet and I lost 50 shillings. About 11 I went home to my lodgings..."

p. 515 - [arrived in Williamsburg]... April 15] April 16, 1712] "...I settled some business and then went to wait on the Governor...about 11 o'clock went to court where we sat till near 3 o'clock... Then we went to dinner and I ate some roast beef for dinner and afterwards took a walk till it was dark and then went to the coffeehouse where I was got into a game and won £3 and about 11 o'clock got to my lodgings..."

p. 516 - April 17, 1712] "... I settled some business till about 10 o'clock and then went to court where I sat till about 2 o'clock and then I returned to my chambers in the capitol where I danced my dance and read a little Latin and then came down again to court and sat till 3 and then went to dinner and ate some pork. ...went to the coffeehouse, where I played at cards and won 40 shillings but afterwards played at dice and lost almost £10. This gave me a resolution to play no more at dice and so I went to my lodgings..."

p. 517 - April 19, 1712] [did not go to coffeehouse today. Mentions "riot committed last night at Su Allen's" for which several young gentlemen were fined.]

pp. 517-18 - Apr. 20, 1712] "... About 11 I went to visit the President and went with him to church, where Mr. Commissary gave us a good sermon. I took the Holy Sacrament and then went with Mr. President to dine with the Governor, where I ate some boiled mutton... In the evening I went to the coffeehouse, and then it began to rain violently and thundered. Here I tarried till about 9 o'clock, and then returned to my lodgings..."

p. 519 - Apr. 22, 1712] "... About 6 o'clock I went home with the Governor to dinner and ate some roast beef. ... About 8 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse, and from thence home, about 10. ..."

[pp. 518-19 - The Harrison had come from England and Capt. Potsford "brought me some letters from England, by one of which I learned that Dr. Cocke was Secretary of this colony." Mrs. Cocke and two of her children came in the Harrison.]

p. 521 - Apr. z6, 1712] "... About 8 I took my leave [from the Governor's] and went to the coffeehouse where I sat about an hour and then re-turned to my lodgings..."

p. 523 - Apr. 30, 1712] "... In the evening I went to supper at Mr. Bland's and ate some cold gammon and then went to the coffeehouse where I paid off my score and talked till about 10 o'clock and then returned to my lodgings..."
[Left on May 1st.]

p. 542 - June 101 1712] "...our horses were not ready till 6 and then the Doctor Cocke and I rode to Williamsburg. When I got there I lay down and took a nap for two hours and then went to the coffeehouse and drank six dishes of tea and then intended to go wait on the Governor but he prevented us by coming to the coffeehouse... About 12 o'clock we went to the capitol to Council..."

p. 542 - June 11, 1712] "... About 9 o'clock I went to the coffeehouse and drank some tea and stayed there till 12 o'clock and then went to the capitol..."

TIMOTHY SULLIVANT

Timothy Sullivant's name first appeared in the York County Records when he married Anne Marot, widow of John Marot, ordinary keeper. On March 17, 1718, "Timothy Sullivant & Ann his wife late Ann Marot Exx of John Marot," together with John Bates, Edward "Rippon" [Ripping], David Cunningham, and Thomas Ravenscroft, presented bond at York County Court for Anne's "just & faithfull" administration of Marot's estate.¹ On the same day "Timothy Sullivant on his petition hath order granted him for a Lycence to keep an Ordinary at his dwelling house in Willsburgh in this County."² Timothy Sullivant obviously intended to operate John Marot's ordinary, but he did not do so for long; for in 1721, and thereafter, Anne Marot Sullivant applied for a "Lycence to keep an Ordinary at her dwelling house in Wmsburgh" in her own name.³

There was some trouble concerning Anne and Timothy Sullivant's administration of John Marot's estate; for the securities, John Bates, Edward Ripping, Thomas Ravenscroft, and David Cunningham, asked the court to release them from their bond with the Sullivants in August and September, 1718, "Setting forth the danger they conceive of being so bounded with them."⁴ The securities were ordered to take the estate into their custody and report on it to the next court. The records are not clear as to what happened at this point, but apparently Anne and Timothy Sullivant continued to administer the estate. They were frequently summoned to court on cases concerning outstanding debts against Marot's estate in 1718, 1719, and 1720.⁵ One of the securities, Edmund Ripping, brought action against Timothy Sullivant "for 50£ Ster damage by means of the def[endan]ts assaulting & beating the pl[aintiff]" - possibly because of Ripping's attitude towards the Sullivants' administration of Marot's estate. Sullivant failed to appear on December 15, 1718, when the case came up, and Ripping executed an attachment against Sullivant's servant-man, Francis Thomas. As it was "unknown to the Court" what damages the plaintiff had actually suffered, the justices ordered the sheriff to have before the next court "twelve good & lawfull men of his Balywick by whose oaths diligent enquiry may be made of the sd damages."⁶ The case was again continued by the January Court; and on February 16, 1719, the plaintiff was allowed only five pounds damages and was ordered to pay to Sullivant "the Surplusage" of the servant man Ripping had attached.⁷

In June, 1718, David Cunningham (another of the Sullivants' securities) Appendix p. xxxi sold Timothy Sullivant lot #338 in Williamsburg for five shillings.¹ Cunningham had been granted lots #337 and #338 by the Trustees for building Williamsburg in July, 1717.² According to the records, the Trustees granted John Holloway lots 33 and 338 in July, 1719 - whether the same #338, or another lot with the same number, we do not know.³ In September, 1740, John Sullivant, Timothy Sullivant's son, sold John James Pasteur, for "Love & friendship," the "Lott of ground adjacent to the West end of the Church yard square numbered 338."4 In 1745, the Trustees or feoffees of the City sold John Blair, for five shillings, "Six certain lotts of Ground in the said City of Williamsburg," numbered 34, 337, 338, 140, 141, and 43, with the provision that "one good dwelling house" be erected on each lot.⁵ Whether lot 338 was granted over again by the Trustees because no building had been erected on it, or whether there were two lots with the same number, is uncertain. At any rate, John Sullivant thought he owned lot #338, adjacent to the churchyard square, when he gave it to Pasteur.

Timothy Sullivant died without leaving a will at some date prior to May 18, 1730; for John Butterworth presented a petition to the York County Court on that date, praying for an administration of the estate of Timothy Sullivant, deceased, he being Sullivant's greatest creditor.⁶ The estate was not settled until the following year, appraisers being appointed on May 17, 1731, to make an inventory of Sullivant's property.⁷

"An Inventory of the Estate of Timothy Sullivant decd" was recorded in the York County Court on July 19, 1731 as follows:

It is possible, in view of the "ten Chissells for cutting Stone," that Sullivant was a stonecutter by trade, and that his lot #338, "adjacent to the West end of the Church yard square," was where he did his stone-work. However, this is a supposition, as we have found nothing to prove it.

In her will, written in Amelia County on March 10, 1738[/39?],Sullivant's widow, Mrs. Anne Marot Sullivant, left to her "son John Sullivan one shilling Sterling and a gold ring which shall be his full share of my estate and it is my will absolutely that he shall have no other part there-of." Most of her estate was left to her son-in-law, Samuel Cobbs of Amelia County, and her granddaughter, Edith Marot Cobbs - with whom she probably lived after she gave up tavern-keeping and removed to the country ca. 1738. (Mrs. Sullivant's will was recorded November 19, 1742, in the Amelia County Records, Will Book I, p. 19. Copy in Research Department.)

JAMES SHIELDS [II]

James Shields was a son of James and Hannah Shields of York County, James City County, and later of Williamsburg. The father was a tailor, an ordinary keeper, and keeper of the Public Gaol in Williamsburg from 1720 until his death in 1727.¹

James, Jr. had two brothers, Matthew and William, and two sisters, Mary Cobbs and Elizabeth Vaughan - all mentioned in his father's will of 1727. By his will, his father left James a plantation in Bruton Parish, York County, which he had purchased from Captain William Timson, with adjoining lands purchased from John and James Taylor.²

We do not know the date of James Shields' birth, nor where he received his education. He was appointed Surveyor of York County in 1741, as follows:³

At a Court held for York County May the 18th 1741. ...
James Sheilds Gent having produced a Commission from the President & Masters of the Colledge of Wm & Mary appointing him Surveyor of this County and he having this day in Court taken the Oath of a Surveyor he is accordingly admitted and it's order'd that the book of Surveys for this County be delivered to him.

Many of his surveys are entered in the York County Records. He surveyed a large tract of land lying at the northern end of the City of Williams-burg for William Waller in 1747.⁴

James Shields married, first, Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Cobbs, by whom he had three daughters, Elizabeth, Frances, and Hannah. His wife, Elizabeth, died in 1737.⁵ He married, secondly, Mrs. Anne Marot Ingles, daughter of John Marot, and widow of James Ingles (by whom he had one daughter Judith Bray Ingles). James and Anne (Marot) Ingles Shields had a son James, born October 27, 1739, and two daughters, Anne, born July 31, 1742, and Christiana, born December 23, 1745.⁶ It is not known how soon James and Anne Ingles Shields moved to the property (lot 25 and part of 26) where Anne's father, John Marot, had kept his ordinary, and where her mother, Mrs. Anne Marot Sullivant, had continued to operate it until ca. 1738. Mrs. Sullivant leased it to one John Taylor in 1738 who operated an ordinary Appendix p. xxxiv there for awhile. (It is interesting to note that this property had, apparently, been owned by the Shields or Marot family since the lots were laid out; for James Shields, Sr. owned it and sold it to John Marot in 1708.) James Shields, Jr. and Anne Ingles Shields were living on the property by May, 1745, and James Shields was an ordinary keeper at that time. Edith Cobbs (sister of Anne Shields) and her husband, Samuel Cobbs, on May 4, 1745, sold James Shields their right in the property where James and Anne were then living, and also a portion of lot #56 on the opposite side of the street - all of which had been owned by John Marot.¹

In 1747, James Shields was "presented by the Grand Jury for not frequenting his Parish Church" and was fined for the use of the poor of Bruton Parish five shillings or fifty pounds of tobacco.² However, the three children born to James and Anne Shields were all baptized at Bruton Church.³

In 1749, James Shields received from Lewis Burwell and Edward Digges a legacy of £100 for his stepdaughter, Judith Bray Ingles, from the estate of a deceased relative, Mrs. Elizabeth Bray.⁴

James Shields died prior to December 19, 1750, leaving his Williamsburg property and plantation on Mill Swamp to his wife Anne "during her Natural Life or Widowhood," to revert to his son James, if Anne should re-marry. Anne married within the year - to another ordinary keeper in Williamsburg, Henry Wetherburn, whose establishment was on the same block with Shields', several doors to the west. As Anne and James Shields' son James was still a minor, and as Anne had been appointed sole executrix of James Shields' estate, she and Henry Wetherburn managed the property for the children for some years.

The inventory of James Shields' estate is given on pp. 19-21 of this report. His will, written December 19, 1747, and proved and recorded in the York County Court (Wills, Inventories, Book XX, p. 195) was as follows:

IN THE NAME OF GOD AMEN I James Shields of the Parish of Bruton and County of York being at present of sound Mind do make this my last Will and Testament I recommend my Soul to the Almighty hoping for Mercy... and my Body to the Earth to be interr'd in a Christian manner and as to my Worldly Estate which it hath pleased God to bless me with I dispose Of in manner following

IMPRIMIS I give and devise unto my two Daughters Elizabeth and Hannah and to the Heirs of their Bodies lawfully begotten my Plantation at Skimmino in the County of York to be equally Appendix p. xxxv divided between them but if either of my said Daughters should die without lawful Issue then her part shall go to the Surviving Sister and the Heirs of her Body lawfully be-gotten And if both my said Daughters should dye without such Issue then I give and devise my said whole Plantation to my Son James and his Heirs forever. I likewise give my said two Daughters Elizabeth and Hannah fifty Pounds Current Money each of them provided the Seat of Government should not be removed from Williamsburgh in ten Years from this present time otherwise I give to each of them but twenty five pounds Current Money And in case either of my said Daughters should die before she Arrives to the Age of twenty one Years or Marriage then the Survivor of them to have the others part so dying of the said Money and if both of them should die before the said Age or Marriage then both their parts of the said Money shall go to my Son James.

ITEM I give to my two Daughters Anne and Christiana each of them One hundred Pounds Current Money provided the Seat of Government should not be removed from Williamsburgh in ten Years from this present time but if otherwise then each of them to have but fifty Pounds

ITEM I Give to my Daughter in Law [stepdaughter] Judith Bray Ingles three Negro Slaves, to wit, Simon Belinda and Juba and their Issue to be delivered her when she Arrives to the age of twenty one Years...

ITEM I give to my beloved Wife Anne the free Use & Occupation of all the rest of my Estate both real and Personal for and during her Natural Life or Widowhood and give her free Liberty to sell Six, Eight or Ten of my Slaves if she shall find it necessary and also my Waggon and Horses for the discharge of my Just Debts And when my said Wife shall die or marry then I give and divise my Plantation on Mill Swamp and also all my Houses and Lands in the City of Williamsburgh to my Son James and the Heirs of his Body lawfully begotten. I also Give unto my Son James and his Heirs forever after the death or marriage of my said Wife the residue of my Slaves and also all my Plate Household furniture and all other my Personal Estate not already disposed of by this my Will: But in case my Son James should die without lawful Issue then it is my Will and desire that my said plantation at Mill Swamp and also all my Houses and Lots in the City of Williamsburgh be sold to the best advantage for Money...

LASTLY I do hereby appoint my loving Wife to be Sole Executrix of this my last Will and Testament And my desire is that she may not be obliged to give Security for the performance thereof and also that there may not be any Appraisment of my Estate. IN WITNESS whereof I hereunto set my hand and Seal the nineteenth Day of December One thousand seven hundred and forty seven.
JAMES SHIELDS (L. S.)

Signed Sealed Published and declared by the Testator in the Presence of us Wm Parks John Berron Ann White [Recorded] At a Court held for York County the 17th Day of December 1750. This Will was proved by the Oaths of John Berron and Ann White...

DANIEL FISHER

According to his journal, Daniel Fisher was brought up in England to "no particular trade or occupation." Believing that "trade in general was less intricate (not requiring so much Art or Skill) in Virginia than in England," he persuaded his reluctant wife to accompany him there, assuring her that their children would be "removed from the infinite temptations, false Pleasures, Snares and Delusions, which every where abounded in Brittain, to a Land of Sober temporate regular Enjoyments, where Industry, Probity, and the Moral Virtues were only encouraged..."¹ From the journal one gathers that four children accompanied the Fishers to Virginia - a daughter "Molly," a son about 17 years of age, and two younger children. Fisher also took a supply of tea, etc., aboard, with which to start in business.

The Fishers sailed from Blackwall, London, on May 15, 1750, and after a most uncomfortable voyage (with a nine-day stay in the Elizabeth River, from whence Fisher visited Norfolk), they reached the York River on August 12, 1750. Fisher had letters to the Nelsons at York and to Nathaniel Walthoe, clerk of the Council, in Williamsburg. He went ashore at Yorktown on Monday, August 13, and delivered his certificate for tea to Richard Ambler, the customs officer, who received him kindly. He received little encouragement from the Nelsons, however, who, according to Fisher, marvelled that he would "prefer living in Virginia to Brittain" and advised him to return to London. Possibly the Nelsons, who were merchants at York, did not welcome competitive business. "Perceiving clearly" that he would have "no willing aid or advice from the Mr. Nelsons," Fisher, who had already presented two letters of recommendation to Mr. Walthoe, again went to see him in Williamsburg. He soon moved his family to Williamsburg, Mr. Walthoe helping him find a house, where he sold tea, etc.

On April 11, 1751, Fisher published the following notice in the Gazette:

As I do not think my Fortune considerable enough to carry on Merchandising, or for my family to subsist independently upon; I should be glad to engage with any Gentle-man who could employ me with the Prospect of a Mutual Benefit. And, although my Family will continue in Williamsburg, my being placed in a remote Situation will be no Objection; Or, if it suited the Interest of my Employer, I should not scruple going to England or the West Indies. I will deceive no Body in undertaking a Thing beyond my Ability; and, in what I do undertake, I'll promise Sobriety and diligent Attendance. As for my Fidelity, (if considerable Trust is requisite) I'll give all the Security my Circumstances will admit of. Daniel Fisher.

N. B. Such Persons as have tasted and approved my Appendix p. xxxvii Bohea Tea, may be assured of being still served with the very same Sort, at the usual Price of Six Shillings a Pound.

¹

Apparently little came of this advertisement in the way of commissions; for he wrote in his journal that in less than a year after coming to Williamsburg, "a large house near the Capitol became vacant known by the name of the English Coffee House," and that in which he lived "lying much out of the way for any kind of business," he decided to rent the house. With Mr. Walthoe's help and advice, Fisher rented the house from Henry Wetherburn, a tavernkeeper, who had married James Shields' widow. On October 3, 1751, he advertised that he would open "The Tavern lately kept by Mr. James Shields, near the Capitol."² A few months later, in February, 1752, Fisher gave notice that "Several Difficulties and Impediments in the Business I so lately undertook, subjecting me to the Necessity of giving it over," he intended to divide his house up into apartments to let.³ He also had a store where he sold tea, coffee, chocolate, sweet-meats, ginger, arrack, rum, Claret, White Lisbon, Madeira, etc.⁴ Fisher, according to his journal, was doing very well with his business, had leased his "Tenements" out for more than his rent for the whole place, and still had "the better and larger part [of the house] for my own use," when his troubles began.⁵ He had difficulties with his landlord, Henry Wetherburn, who did not live up to the promises made when Fisher leased the property; he antagonized a prominent citizen, Philip Ludwell Lee, son of Thomas Lee, President of the Council, and a member of the Council himself, by refusing to give up the house to Lee; and had difficulty with John Holt, then mayor of Williamsburg. On April 24, 1754, a fire broke out two doors to the east of Fisher's house, and although his house escaped the flames (being only slightly damaged, fences torn down, etc.), much of his stock was ruined and many of his possessions stolen in the en-suing confusions. Fisher felt that his misfortune on this occasion was due to his enemies in Williamsburg (Holt, Lee, Wetherburn, etc.) and wrote a long letter to William Nelson, recounting his troubles. Nelson's reply further angered Fisher and he determined to show his resentment in another letter to Nelson, although his "poor wife...came to such a difference" with him on what he expressed on receiving Nelson's letter "that she separated bed and board" from him. At this point Fisher felt the whole world was against him and decided either to return to England or go to Philadelphia to see if he could find employment there. He accepted Nelson's offer to give him a letter to a prominent friend in Philadelphia and, without bidding his family farewell, set off at 4:30 a.m. on May 12, 1755, having received a loan from Mr. Walthoe to cover his expenses and enable him to purchase a horse. Fisher described his journey in some detail. He was particularly Appendix p. xxxviii impressed with an ordinary in "Leids" or Leeds,¹ on the Rappahannock, which he described as follows:

"...I put up at one Mr. T---ts, esteemed the best Ordinary in Town, and indeed the House and Furniture, has as elegant an appearance, as any I have seen in the country, Mr. Finnays or Withbernes [sic] in Williamsburg not excepted. The chairs Tables &c of the Room I was conducted into, was all of Mahogany, and so stuft with fine large glaized Copper Plate Prints:
That I almost fancied myself in Jeffriess' or some other elegant Print Shop."

Fisher arrived in Philadelphia on May 22, 1755 - the 10th day "on horse back from Williamsburg." He went to see Mr. Nelson's friend, a Mr. Allen, the next day - but except for telling him that if he found "any one inclined to employ" him, Allen "would inform them of the character" Mr. Nelson had given him, Allen offered no help at all. After a discouraging time, Fisher called on Benjamin Franklin and recounted his troubles. Mr. Franklin invited Fisher to dine and treated him most courteously - and from June 15 to July 10 gave him work "generally in writing or Sorting of Papers at the Printing office." He also offered to get him the position as "English School Master, a Place of 60[£] a year, with some other advantages" at an Academy or Charity School, apologizing for the "mean" salary, etc. Fisher assured Franklin that he would rather serve him as Clerk if such a position was available; and Franklin stated that when their building was finished, which he hoped would be in a few weeks, he would have a clerk, although his business was "so small that I cannot afford to give more than I have always given Vizt, Diet at my own Table, with Lodging and washing and 25 per annum...or if you choose it, I will get you into the Charity School as I mentioned before." Fisher said, without hesitation, that he preferred Franklin's service. Before he settled the matter, however, he received a letter from his friend in Williamsburg, Mr. Walthoe, telling him that his family had now "manifested an entire conformity" to his will either to remain in Williamsburg or join him in Philadelphia. Walthoe offered him his store, which had become vacant, as it was unlikely he would "ever remain in quiet under Mr. Wetherburn." The uncertainty of his situation, "together with reflecting upon what might be the consequence of General Braddock's defeat," made Fisher decide to return to Williamsburg and see his family and Mr. Walthoe before accepting Franklin's offer. On August 10, 1755, at five a.m., Fisher left Philadelphia to return to Williamsburg. His journal ends when he reached Bladensburg on the Potomac River, with the words "the Road &c. See next Book." The next book has not been found or published.

Unfortunately, the Virginia Gazettes and the York County Records offer little further information on Daniel Fisher. He returned to Williamsburg, for on September 5 and October 17, 1755, he published notices in the Gazette concerning a robber who got away with his bags, watch, etc., between Bladensburg and Alexandria.² Nothing further appeared in the Gazettes which Appendix p. xxxix are extant concerning his business in Williamsburg. A Daniel Fisher was in Brunswick County in 1767 - possibly either the unfortunate tea merchant or a son - for there is reference to a slave of Daniel Fisher's being murdered there.¹ On May 2, 1771, a stray horse was picked up "in Brunswick county, on the Three Creeks, near Mr. Daniel Fisher's." In 1773, Daniel Fisher of Brunswick was agent for a David Mason.

The journal which ended with Daniel Fisher's arrival in Bladensburg in August, 1755, was headed as follows in Louise Pecquet du Bellet's Some Prominent Virginia Families, Vol. II, p. 751:

The Fisher History
"The following extracts are taken from an old ancestor's journal, commencing with a voyage from London, May, 1750, for Yorktown in Virginia, and ending in August, 1755, on his return from Philadelphia on horseback for Williamsburg, Virginia:"

[The journal itself follows for some pages and. ends after Fisher's last words "See next Book," with the following note (p. 811):] "The next book I have never found - as I did this after my father's death in 1857. - G. F., July 13, 1886."

A Daniel Fisher was appointed surveyor of Southampton County by the President and Masters of William and Mary College on February 14, 1758.⁴ We do not know whether this was our journalist, or a son. In 1777, a Daniel Fisher was one of several commissioners appointed for the more regular laying out of the borough of Norfolk.⁵ Again, this could have been either the father or a son; may well have been the Southampton County surveyor and could have been neither. A Daniel Fisher (and if he was of this same family, must have been a son) was living in Brunswick County in 1770, where, in 1777 he was made a lieutenant-colonel of the county militia, and in 1780 a full colonel.⁶ In 1781, when Greeneville County was cut out of Brunswick, Fisher was made commonwealth attorney of the Greensville County Court, and in 1782, county treasurer. He was one of four men appointed to arrange the rebuilding of the bridge in that county, "at the Three Creeks by Col. Fishers."⁷

The "G. F." at the end of the journal was doubtless George Fisher, a descendant of Daniel Fisher. A George Fisher married Ann Ambler on May 29, 1795. Appendix p. xl This George Fisher was, probably, a grandson of Daniel. George and Ann Ambler Fisher had a son, George Daniel Fisher, born 1804 - d. 1891.¹ He may have been the "G. F." who had the journal.

WILLIAM GOODSON

We have found no information on William Goodson prior to his purchase of the property in Williamsburg owned by James Shields [III]. At some time before August 27, 1770 (when he rented the western part of the property to John Draper, farrier and blacksmith), William Goodson "of the City of Williamsburg Merchant" had purchased lots 25 and part of 26, with the buildings thereon, from James Shields.¹ The deed between Shields and Goodson has not been found; but the above-noted deed states that Goodson had "lately purchased [it] of Mr James Shields" of the Parish of Bruton. In 1772, Goodson leased the eastern portion of the property to Dr. John de Sequeyra, physician in Williamsburg, and visiting physician at the Asylum in that city.

It is possible that the Goodsons occupied a house on York Road or "Woodpecker Street," which adjoined the property of Robert Nicolson in 1796. (See Mutual Assurance policy #111 - Robert Nicolson. Also William Goodson Jr.'s advertisement for the sale of the Goodson property on the main street and York Road in the Virginia Gazette, and General Advertiser, Richmond: September 10, 1799.) They owned the property on York Road which had belonged to Samuel Spurr, and may have occupied it. Samuel, Ann, and William Goodson sold it to Elizabeth Armstead in 1801.²

Goodson was among the merchants who joined with the Burgesses in the "Association" or non-importation agreement of June 22, 1770, his name being added after the first "Associators" signed.³ He was initiated into the Williamsburg Lodge of Masons in 1774 and was still an active member in 1781.⁴ In 1775, Goodson was one of a committee⁵ appointed to represent Williamsburg.

William Goodson and his wife Mary had three children who were baptized at Bruton Parish Church: Anne Garland Carr Goodson (,776), William Greenwood Goodson (1778), and Samuel Spurr Goodson (1780).⁶

In 1777 he offered for sale at his store in Williamsburg, "A quantity of excellent STEEL, and a Parcel of NEEDLES, To be sold, WHOLESALE and RETAIL."⁷ In 1780, the following items were offered at "public vendue... at Mr. Goodson's store in Williamsburg": white silk, cotton, and worsted stockings, "coloured ditto of each kind, several pieces of cotton and linen checks, a great variety of rich brussels lace, for ladies and gentlemens ruffles, black silk modes for cloaks."⁸ We do not know where his Appendix p. xlii store was situated.

William Goodson's will, dated April 19, 1781, was probated in York County Court on June 17, 1782. He left all of his estate, real and personal, after the payment of his debts, to his wife, Mary Goodson, during her life to support "her and my lawful children, Ann, William and Samuel," and to be equally divided between the children after her death. Mary Goodson died shortly after her husband. Her will, dated December 31, 1781, left some furniture, clothing, etc., to her daughter "Nancy," and requested that all the remainder of her furniture be sold for the support and education of the three children, and that the houses and lots be let out to best advantage by her executors, Humphrey Harwood and George Reid. Her will was probated June 17, 1782.² The inventory of her estate follows:³

INVENTORY & APPRAISEMENT of the Estate of Mary Goodson taken the 30th January [sic] 1782. By Robert Nicholson Wm Hornsby & Robert Prentis.

17 Beds, 15 Bolsters, 24 Pillows	£ 50. -. -
5 Dutch Blankets	1.10. -
9 pair of Blankets	9. -. -
18 BedSteads	7.10. -
1 Green Rug	1.-.-
1 Moth Eaten Housing	-. 5. -
16 Small Pictures & 2 Square Do	2. -. -
2 Calf Skins	1. 5. -
4 Meal Bags	1. -. -
1 Iron Grate	-.10. -
8 pr Children Stays	-.15. -
3lb Cinnamon	6. -.-
an Old book Press	-. 5. _
a blue pine table	-.10. -
an old trunk	-. 4. -
8 pr Childrens & 4 pr liens Gloves	-.10. -
1 Man's Hat	-.15. -
a parcel of old nails and 6 pr hinges	-.12. -
4 Cannisters Rhubard	-.15. -
A Chest with Cotton in it	-.10. -
a Box contg old brass Locks & Hinges, &c.	1.10. -
an old Chest with some Carpenters Tools	1.10. -
1 grate 6/, Old. Table 2/, Old blue press & stand 10/	-.18. -
A red pine table 4/, a Quilting Frame 10/	-.14. -
27 Quart Bottles 15/, 3 Jugs 10/, 3 pots 8/	1.13. -
7 tin Canisters 4/, 1 Case of bottles 20/	1. 4. -
1 Keg Corks 10/, 1 Water jug 3/, 1 Mortar & pestle 5/ - -	-.18. -
2 old Axes 5/, a Sorrel Horse 100/	5. 5. -
a Bay Mare £6 a Bay Horse £25	31. -. -
Appendix p. xliii
2 Cows £ 9 1 Saddle 30/ 1 Cart and Harness £6	[£] 16.10. -
1 Sow 20/ 1 Sow 25/ 1 Copper Kettle 5/	-.50. -
1 pr hand Irons & Backs 60/, 3 Iron Botts 30/	4.10. -
2 frying Pans 10/, 1 Spit 5/, 3 tea Kettles 30/	2. 5. -
3 potracks 30/, 1 flesh fork & Ladle 10/	2. -. -
2 Skillets 20/, 1 Mortar 10/, 1 Grid iron 5/	1.15. -
1 Sifter 3/, 2 Tubbs, 1 pale and 2 pigens 8/	-.11. -
1 driping pan 5/, 4 Tables 20/	1. 5. -
1 Half Bushel 3/, 1 Cullender 2/	-. 5. -
1 Large Round Mahogany Table	4. -. -
1 pr Square Walnut Tables	4. -. -
1 Card Table 25/, 1 Walnut Side Board 20/	2. 5. -
1 Tea Tray l2/ a Couch 60/	3.12. -
1 Close Stool Chair 30/, 2 Smoaking Do. 30/	3. -. -
40 Walnut Chairs	20. -. -
1 Walnut knife Box 10/, 1 Beaufet 120/	6.10. -
A Large Chimney Picture 4 0 /	2. -. -
6 Prints painted on Glass 80/, 11 Metzetenias 40/	6. -. -
Map of Virginia 5/, Several maps & prints 20/	1. 5. -
1 Walnut framed Looking Glass 50/, 1 Gilt Do 40/	4.10. -
1 Small Chimney Glass 1/, 1 Warming pan 157	1.10. -
1 Dutch Oven 24/, 1 pr 1rons 5/, a parcel tin ware 10/	1.19. -
11 Candle Moulds & Stand 35/, 4 Candlesticks & Snuffers 12/	2. 7. -
9 pewter Dishes, 14 plates, 2 fish Strainers	2.10. -
1 Sml Stew pan 8/, 1 Cloths Basket & plate do/	.18. -
3 pigens & 6 Sml Stone pots	-.15. -
5 Treat & 1 wooden mortar 10/, 1 pr Stake tongs	.13. -
2 pr Lime Squeezers 3/, 1 Castor & 1 p. Sugar nippers 8/	.11. -
1 Large Scales & Weights 60/, 1 pr Smaller do 20/	4. -. -
1 Sugar Box & lock 10/, a parcel Knives & forks	.16. -
a large Parcel of Books 150/, 1 large easy Chair 100/	12.10. -
1 Mahogany Desk and Book Case	12. -. -
1 do and do 120/, 1 Old walnut do 30/	7.10. -
1 Corner Cupboard 30/, 1 looking Glass 25/	2.15. -
1 Looking Glass 20/, 1 Corner Mahogany Table 30/	2.10. -
1 Round Table 20/, 1 Large Walnut Table 40/	3. -. -
1 Round do 20/, 1 Walnut Stand 12/	1.12. -
4 Mahogany Trea and 2 do Japan'd	1.10. -
1 Screen 15/, 1 Round Walnut Table 30/	2. 5. -
1 Tea Chest 6/, 1 pr hand Irons, Shovels, Tongs, &c 20/	1. 6. -
1 pr fire Bellows 37, 2 Carpets 60/	3. 3. -
1 Large China Bowl 20/, 5 smaller do 15	1.15. -
2 Puding Dishes (broke) 8/, 5 plates 8/	-.16. -
1 Tea Pot 5/, 6 large Cups and Saucers 30/	1.15. -
Parcel Cups and Saucers 25/, 3 Glass Salvers	2.15. -
7 fruit Plates 7/, 11 Tumblers 40/, 1 Sugar Dish 6/	2.13. -
Several Wine Glasses, 2 Decanters & other Glass ware	2. -. -
10 Queens China Dishes 30/, 3 doz. & 5 plates 25/	2.15. -.
6 Small wash basons 4/, 4 Candlesticks 20/	1. 4. -
Parcel odd Queens ware 25/, 1 Wash bason & bottle 6/	1.11. -
1 Musquet & fowling peice 90/, 1 Gun Scraper 3/	4.13. -
1 Silver Watch 60/, 1dodo4O/	5. -. -
1 Box Iron 5/, 1 Candlebox 3/, 1 pr fire Dogs	1. 3. -
5 Pictures I0/, 1 Table 12/, 1 Blue Table & Crib 12/	1.14. -
Appendix p. xliv
12 yds Muslin 20/, 2 Gauze Handkfs.	[£] 1.15. -
18 Silver Buttons 10/, 2 yds black Lustings 16/	1. 6. -
1 yd. Green Gallemanco 4/75 yds. black ribbon 10/	-.14. -
4 doz. Gilt Buttons 8/, a bundle twist 6 /	-.14. -
A parcel needles 20/, a patch Bedcover 30/	2.10. -
a Chintz Bed cover & Curtains	1. -. -
5 pr Silver Shoe Buckles 100/, 1 knee do 8/	5. 8. -
1 Silver & Stone Stock Buckle 30/, 27 Silver Buttons 20/	2.10. -
1 pr Sleeve Buttons 2/, 1 pt Spect. 2/	-. 4. -
1 Black Cloth Coat & 2 Vests 100/ Other Wearing Apparel 200/	15. -. -
6 Vests & 2 pair Britches 40/ 8 Shirts & 6 Stocks 80/	6. -. -
4 pair Silk Stocks 40/ 6 pr Cotton & thread do 30/	3.10. -
3 pr worked do & 2 pr. Socks 15/	-.15. -
2 pr Spatter-dashes 10/ 3 Punch Laddles 4 0 /	2.10. -
1 Silver Soup Spoon 50/, 18 Tea do, Tongs &c 50/	5. -. -
17 Table do	15. -. -
7 Pillow cases & 4 Napkins 10/, 6 Table Cloths 60/	3.10. -
5 lb Spun Cotton 18/ 12 Canisters 12/	1.10. -
1 Old walnut Table 10/, 2 pine do. 10/	1. -. -
1 Coffee Mill 20/, 1 Hand Mill 30/	2.10. -
½ Seine 120/ a parcel of Old Shingles	6.15. -
A Rum Taster 5/, 1 Iron Riddle 6 /	-.11. -
old Casks Lumber etc.	1.10. -
9 doz. Bottles 30/, a Cask Vinegar 17/6	2. 7. 6
1pr. hand Irons	.10. -
[5 slaves named]	265. -. -
2 Old pine Tables	-.10. -
2 pr Mariners Compasses	1. -. -
20 pr Sashes and 3 Doors	9. -. -
	£676.15. 6

In Obedience to an Order of York County Court bearing Date the 17th June 1782. We the Subscribers being duly sworn have appraised the Slaves and personal Estate of Mrs Mary Goodson decd Amounting as above to six hundred and seventy six pounds, fifteen shillings and six pence Current money of Virginia Robt Nicholson
Ro: Prentis
W. Hornsby

Returned into York County Court 19th day of August 1782 And Ordered to be Recorded.

¹

WILLIAMSBURG LAND TAX RECORDS 1782-1861